to the House, he will venture to say that | the noble Marquess was that in which the production has decreased? From a he threw out general and vague hints Return of the production of sugar in that it might be desirable to embark in the West Indies, it appears that the a system of retaliation. Does this indiaverage production of the West Indian cate that the Party of which the noble Colonies for the five years ending 1869 Marquess is the Leader are about to dewas 166,000 tons, for the five years end- mand a reverse of the Free Trade policy ing 1874 it was 181,000 tons, and for of this country in order to return to Prothe four years between 1874 and 1878, tection? I hope that when the noble 200,000 tons. There had, no doubt, at Marquess makes up his mind on this the same time, been a large increase in subject he will give us fair notice of the the production of beet-root sugar. For fact, in order that we may have a full, the three years between 1870 and 1873, fair, and free discussion of the subject. which was the time when bounties began to affect the production of sugar, the average crop of cane sugar was 246,000 tons; between 1876 and 1879 it had fallen to 242,000 tons; while the corresponding figures for beet-root were 966,000 tons, and 1,607,000 tons. In Bardadoes, during the first term, the production of cane sugar was 91,544 tons; and during the latter three years, when bounties were said to have destroyed the production, it had risen to 132,000 tons. It is, then, rather remarkable that a Petition should be presented from Barbadoes asserting that the industry of the Island is seriously affected. It is quite true that the production of beet-root sugar has increased much beyond that of the sugar cane; but in Barbadoes, British Guiana, and Trinidad, although the sugar cane industry has not advanced so much as beet-root, it has progressed, and there is no symptom that it will decay. But there is another important consideration. When the financial position of these Islands is talked of, their condition as a whole ought to be regarded, and not merely with reference to one production. There has been a large increase in the production of cocoa in many of the West Indian Colonies, and, as I am informed, the production of cocoa, which is more profitable than that of sugar, is increasing to a remarkable extent in some of the Islands. It is the more important for the reason that the increased cocoa production has taken place mainly in those Colonies in which the sugar production has declined. The question of refined sugar, which is a very difficult and complicated one, is being inquired into with very great care, and, as far as the inquiry has gone, it has not been found that the number of persons employed has very largely decreased. The most important part of the speech of The Earl of Kimberley THE EARL OF CARNARVON said, he did not see that the speech of the noble Marquess was open to the suggestion just made, or he would have formulated his Notice in different terms. It was scarcely possible to consider such a question as that raised by the Petition presented to the House without referring to the general topic of Free Trade, which just now so largely engrossed public attention. The case of the West Indian Colonies was an extremely hard one, and all the harder because the resources of those Colonies were naturally very great, and they could supply a very large portion of the demands which this country could make upon them if it were not for the somewhat unfair action of the Government of a foreign country. The French bounty system was one which inflicted undeserved hardship upon the trade of this country, a considerable branch of which it threatened to destroy. A very curious picture was presented by the present state of things. On the one hand we had large Kingdoms forming themselves into great commercial unions, self-supporting and independent of others, as was being done by France, Germany, and the United States. On the other hand we had the English Empire, scattered over the whole of the world, the different parts containing different products which each other part desired, but the parts kept separated from each other by different and sometimes by adverse Tariffs. More than this, we had almost the whole of Europe at this moment entering into a combination to get as much as they could for themsleves, and as much as they could of what we had. France, in particular, had entered into a partnership with her own manufacturers to impose such a duty as must obviously have the effect of ruining the industries of this country in her market. There were, no doubt, several conclusions which might be drawn from that state of things which were quite apart from the question before the House. The first result was that the country was now touching a new phase and form of this question, and we had arrived at a new point of departure in the negotiations for the French Treaty to which his noble Friend had alluded. It was perfectly clear, as his noble Friend had said, that the consumer in England was not likely to gain anything from these bounties, and for this obvious reason, that until the necessity for the continuance of these bounties ceased, the foreigner would get a hold of the English market, and make his own terms. The English trade thus destroyed by him was one which demanded a vast amount of capital, and, though it might be destroyed in a few years, could not be re-established in a short time. He ventured, therefore, to hope that the Government would consider very carefully the conclusion which had been arrived at not long ago in the other House of Parliament, which was to the effect that unless we were to obtain a Treaty, not merely equivalent, but superior to that of 1860, it would be better to have no Treaty at all. He, for one, heartily agreed in that opinion. He had always had grave doubts as to the whole policy of Commercial Treaties, and in those doubts he expected many noble Lords opposite would concur. Certainly, unless a better Treaty were obtained than that of 1860, he thought it would be better that we should be perfectly unfettered. EARL GRANVILLE: My Lords, I do not rise to continue this discussion, which, as my noble Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies has said, has been brought upon the House very much in the nature of a surprise. I entirely join in the protest of my noble Friend, and I think that if the noble Marquess intended to raise this most important question, he ought to have given us some indication of what he meant to do. I looked at the Notice Paper, as it is my duty, and when I read the Notice of the noble Marquess, I thought he was going to bring before your Lordships some local grievance with which my noble Friend near me would be able to deal. But I had not the most distant idea, nor do I think that anyone could have conceived that the noble Marquess was to a great degree about to raise the standard of Protection, under colour of the more plausible names of Retaliation and Reciprocity. That policy would have a great effect, a most mischievous effect, upon this country. My Lords, there is nothing that I could desire more than that this subject should be brought before your Lordships and worked out completely. But I do protest against two noble Lords settling between themselves to have this discussion without the Notice which it was proper to give. Could anyone imagine that if your Lordships had known generally that this subject would be brought before you, there would have been so few noble Lords present? Why, we should have assembled in large numbers on such a question as this. The only thing I have some satisfaction in hearing is the statement of the noble Lord opposite (the Earl of Carnarvon) that he would prefer no Commercial Treaty at all to one which would put our commercial relations in a worse position than that in which they are now placed. No doubt, Treaties of Commerce are an exception-it would be better to have no Treaties of Commerce. But the existing Treaty was made in peculiar circumstances, and was intended to give the two countries an opportunity of seeing what could be done with a greater relaxation of trade. If this subject is to be treated in such a manner that our commercial relations will be put in a worse position than they are now in, I think it would be infinitely better to have no Treaty at all. THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: My Lords, I only wish to say that I deny in the most categorical manner that I raised the standard of Protection, Retaliation, or Reciprocity. What I did was to urge the noble Earl at this juncture of the negotiations with France, to exercise his diplomatic ability for the purpose of protecting British industry and Colonial property, which are just now suffering from a deep grievance at the hands of Foreign Powers. Petition ordered to lie on the Table. House adjourned at a quarter past Seven o'clock, till To-morrow, a quarter before Five o'clock. I 2 NAVY-THE ROYAL MARINES-THE ORDER OF THE BATH. PROTECTION OF PERSON AND PRO- MR. HEALY asked the Chief Secre- any MR. LEWIS asked the Secretary to the Admiralty, If he would state for what pre-eminent services the officer lately selected for promotion to K.C.B. in the Royal Marines is distinguished; whether it is not the case that the officer so selected has never served out of England since he was comparatively a junior lieutenant; and, whether there are not officers of the Royal Marines who have MR. W. E. FORSTER, in reply, said, distinguished themselves in the com- the forms in question had been in existmand of battalions abroad and of brience since the 7th of last month. Prigades before the enemy, and whose sersoners released before that date were vices have been mentioned in Despatches, not required to sign any undertaking. followed by C.B. and brevet rank of None of the prisoners to whom the unColonel; if so, were their claims for dertaking had been tendered had refurther distinction not lost sight of when fused to sign it. Mr. James Daly was an officer who never served abroad ex-discharged on the 8th of May, before cept in the subordinate rank of lieutenant, and years junior to them in the Order of the Bath, was selected for pro motion to K.C.B.? MR. TREVELYAN: Sir George Langley, K.C.B., was selected for that distinction, for long, faithful, and able services on the Staff of the corps of Royal Marines, and in early life he was highly distinguished in action. With regard to the rest of the hon. Gentleman's Question, I cannot undertake the responsibility of commencing what seems to me an innovation-comparing the relative claims of officers who have and who have not been recommended to Her Majesty for the honour of knighthood. IRELAND-PRINTING THE "ANNALS MR. A. M. SULLIVAN asked the the form was brought into use; but, on being discharged, in view of the critical state of his health, he voluntarily tendered an undertaking that his future good conduct would justify the clemency of the Government. PROTECTION OF PERSON AND PRO PERTY (IRELAND) ACT, 1881-CASE MR. HEALY asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether the prison doctors have made any report on the case of Mr. Marshall, a prisoner confined in Kilmainham, and said to be suffering from disease of the brain, causing the most intense pain? MR. W. E. FORSTER, in reply, said, the medical officer of Kilmainham had made a report with regard to the case that the complaint from which the priof Mr. Marshall, from which it appeared soner suffered was a constant headache. The medical officer was unable to detect any organic disease, and his general health had not suffered since his imprisonment. He had consulted with two other medical gentlemen, who were likewise unable to discover any organic disease. MR. HEALY asked if the right hon. Gentleman was aware that the general impression in the prison was that the man was mad? MR. W. E. FORSTER said, he had| not heard of such an impression. HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE-THE COURT OF APPEAL. MR. GREGORY asked, Whether arrangements have been made for completing the Court of Appeal, and filling up the vacancy caused by the death of Lord Justice James? THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (Sir HENRY JAMES), in reply, said, he thought that this Question was answered by what had occurred in the House of Lords. A Bill had there been introduced for the purpose of filling up the vacancy, by making the Master of the Rolls sit in the Court of Appeal. others, on both sides, engaged in deciding the limits of Gibraltar? SIR CHARLES W. DILKE: It is not quite correct to describe these negotiations as relating to the limits of Gibraltar. They relate to the question of maritime jurisdiction. The negotiations are not sufficiently advanced for me to make any detailed statement on the subject. THE NEW FRENCH GENERAL TARIFF. MR. JACKSON asked the President of the Board of Trade, If he will lay upon the Table of the House a Copy of the Letter he has addressed to the Chambers of Commerce with reference to the English translation of the French Tariff, asked for by the noble Lord the Member for Liverpool; and, if he will give a list of the Chambers to which he has written? MR. CHAMBERLAIN, in reply, said, that if the hon. Member wished for this Return, and moved for a copy of the Circular, and also for copies of the replies that had been received, he should be very glad to give it, as an unopposed Return. He might say that the Circular had been addressed to 59 Chambers of THE JUDICATURE ACTS-REPORT OF Commerce, and the Board of Trade had THE COMMITTEE. MR. GREGORY asked Mr. Attorney General, Whether any Report or Recommendations have been agreed upon by the Committee appointed to consider the operation of the Judicature Acts, and the procedure under them; and, if not, when such Report or Recommendations may be expected? THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (Sir HENRY JAMES), in reply, said, that the Report and the Recommendations were made some seven or eight weeks ago. They had been circulated by the Lord Chancellor among the Judges, in order that the Committee of Judges might act on the Report. The Lord Chancellor thought it better to place it in the hands of the Judges before he laid it on the Table. received 20 replies-7 of the replies being in favour of having a translation, and 13, including the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce, against it. LAW AND POLICE-THE MURDER ON THE BRIGHTON RAILWAY. MR. J. G. TALBOT asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department; Whether he has made any inquiry into the conduct of the police with regard to the recent murder upon the London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway, with a view of ascertaining on what grounds they allowed the man Lefroy, who must have been intimately acquainted with the circumstances of the murder, to leave the place where he was staying, without their knowledge; and, whether he is in a position to communicate the results of such inquiry to the House? SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT: It is a grave matter to pass judgment on the police. Although, of course, I have made inquiries into this matter, I should not consider myself justified at present in passing final sentence on the conduct At the vent in the future the exercise of the troops in summer weather at such unseasonable hours; and, whether any provision has been made for the shelter of the Volunteers engaged in the review on Saturday, who will in some cases be under arms from twenty-four to thirtysix hours? He wished also to ask a Question of which he had not given Notice-namely, Whether a great many of the men were not paraded at 7.30 on Monday, and whether they had to march in some cases four miles before the operations began; also, whether there were any water-carts accompanying the regiments in this review? of the police in this matter. MR. J. G. TALBOT asked, whether, as this was a matter that affected the public confidence in the Police Force generally, he would communicate the results of the inquiry to the House? SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT: Certainly; it is my desire that the truth should be known as regards all concerned. It is necessary that the public should have confidence in the Police Force, both in London and elsewhere. ARMY DEATHS BY SUNSTROKE AT MR. MACFARLANE also asked whether the Secretary of State was aware that the troops at Wellington Barracks were being drilled on Monday, the warmest day of the year, at 2 o'clock in the day, without having anything but a skull cap on? MR. CHILDERS: The Questions last put to me are Questions of which I have not had previous Notice, and I cannot undertake to answer them at present. With regard to the other Questions, I have to say, first, that as soon as I heard of the deaths at Aldershot on Monday last, I called for full information on the subject, and the following are the facts:-A field-day had been appointed for the 4th instant some days before, and the weather at Aldershot on Sunday and Monday being cloudy, with a strong breeze on the Fox Hills, the troops went out as usual in field-day order-that is to say, carrying nothing except their water bottles - at half-past 8, after breakfast. The manoeuvres were over before 1 o'clock, and until then there were no casualties, and few men fell out. About that time, however, the heat greatly increased, and, unfortunately, the usual anxiety to get back to their lines led to the Regiments hurrying the ALDERSHOT — THE WINDSOR RE- pace, and this in the heavy dust and in VIEW. MR. H. R. BRAND asked the Secretary of State for War, Whether it is true that the troops at Aldershot were seven hours under arms during the greatest heat of the day on Monday 4th July, and that the result has been that four men have died from this exposure, and many more are in hospital invalided from the same cause; and, if this is the case, whether he will take steps to preSir William Harcourt creased heat, probably caused a good many men to fall out. Of the 19 men who were sent into hospital, the greater part fell out then. Three died of sunstroke-one a very stout man of 45, who did not fall out, and two men of long service, aged 32 and 33, one of them found, on post-mortem examination, to be highly pre-disposed to illness of this kind. The third was a healthy man. There was a fourth death of a driver, an officer's servant, from heart disease; but |