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From Tait's Magazine.

anxious crisis. There are first presented the THIERS' HISTORY OF NAPOLEON. *

latest acts of hostility which preceded the tempo

rary peace ; acts among which the most important In our number for May we made some remarks was the expulsion of the French from Egypt, purupon the first two volumes of M. Thiers' new his- chased by the life of the brave Abercromby. We tory. The third and fourth volumes now lie be- then behold the negotiations terminating in that fore us.

general European peace, which was hailed with We dropped the thread of the narrative at the such transport in our country as well as in France, beginning of the year 1801, when the negotiations but which jealousies on both sides, and domineerhad been set on foot which were to close in twelve ing ambition on one, were destined to render so months with the treaty of Amiens. We are now short-lived. Napoleon next appears, occupied at carried on for three years further, to the com- home in the great business of his life, the building mencement of that new war which was about to up of the last of those steps by which he mounted he signalized by the bloody days of Austerlitz and the throne of the Bourbons ; or rather, if we would Trafalgar. The events thus embraced in the third express the truth exactly, obtaining by degrees the and fourth volumes of the work present but at few consent of the French people, to give the name points the picturesque aspect and warlike interest and trappings of royalty to a power which was of those which abounded in the earlier volumes ; already more thoroughly absolute than that of any and, on the other hand, this second period in the other sovereign in Europe. He reörganizes the administration of the first consul, comprehending church in France by the concordat and the arrangethe gradual results of his novel system of organiza- ments consequent on it: he palsies the dangerous tion, offers itself to our eye with less distinctness tribunate by a mixture of intrigue and of intimidaof outline than did the facts of the preceding tion : he procures from a vast majority of the period, in which we saw the vast structure of nation a grant to himself for life, and to any perpolity rising swiftly out of the chaotic ruins left by son he might appoint to succeed him, of that desihe democratic republic. For the historical stu- potic authority which he had already for years dent now, as for France and Europe at the time, exercised without resistance. Afterwards we see the general character of this period is that of re- him engaged in that arbitrary partition of the conpose. Yet the quiet was broken by several tinent in which the legitimate sovereigns so eagerly mighty paroxysms, which give animation and acquiesced, each one more shamelessly greedy variety to its history; and instructive truths as than another, and each doomed in his turn to diswell as adventurous incidents are to be found at cover that he had been made the tool of a more many places of our progress. To British readers, dexterous diplomatist than himself. The breach indeed, no point in the fierce career of the modern speedily follows: and we watch the preparation Charlemagne is either so important, or so interest- made on all sides for the war of the third coalition, ing, as that which meets us at the close of the so disastrous in its results for all the enemies of year 1803. Some years before this, a poet of our France, so humiliating for all of them except nation, looking abroad with mingled hope and fear England. And in the last stage of the history upon the bloodshed and anarchy which distracted as it lies before us, the two most prominent secthe European continent, celebrated with thankful tions are these : the preparations for the inreverence that providential destiny, which had vasion of England ; and the murder of the Duke placed us on our island-rock, protected by our D'Enghien. position from the worst evils suffered by our The manner in which the author treats this neighbors.

diversified series of topics, is such as to justify Not yet enslaved, not wholly vile,

fully both the favorable opinions on some points, Oh, Albion ! oh, my mother-isle !

and the hesitating anticipations on others, which Thy valleys, fair as Eden's bowers,

we expressed in describing his two earlier volumes. Glitter green with sunny showers :

But the fears which we hinted have proved to be Thy grassy uplands' gentle swells

even better founded than we had supposed they Echo to the bleat of Rocks :

The literary merit of the work is well sus

tained ; and the interest of the narrative, if not so (Those grassy hills, those glittering dells,

engrossing as that which the historian was able to Proudly ramparted with rocks ;) And ocean, 'mid his uproar wild,

give to the tragic horrors of the revolution, is Speaks safety to his ISLAND-Child!

generally lively, and sometimes exceedingly Hence, for many a fearless age, powerful. But the moral tone is neither loftier

HisHas social quiet loved thy shore :

nor warmer than that which pervaded the " Nor ever proud invader's rage,

tory of the Revolution ;' and the deficiency in Or sacked thy towers, or stained thy fields with were afraid it would be, when we contemplated

historical impartiality is to the full as great as we gore !

the known opinions and the political position of the Just seven years after those lines were written, late prime minister of France. His unfairness. England was on the point of being invaded by the towards England is quite as great as it might whole host of France ; and nothing but a combi- have been expected to be in the leader of the nation of fortunate occurrences saved the nation French war party. His partizanship of that which from a struggle, on its own soil, for its freedom was evil in the character and policy of the first and its very existence.

consul, is even more thoroughgoing than that A series of momentous events pass before us in which might naturally have been prompted by the history of the consulate, before we reach this the reverence for Napoleon's memory, so strongly

felt at present among the great mass of the French * History of the Consulate and the Empire of France nation. under Napoleon ; forming a Sequel to the "History of the French Revolution." By M. A. Thiers, late prime

The aversion to the “ perfidious Albion,” inminister of France, &c. Translated by D. Forbes Camb- deed, is consistent with the political system of M. bell, Esq. London: Colburn. Vols. III. and IV. Thiers, as well as natural to him from national

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were.

LXXIV.

LIVING AGE.

VOL. VII.

prepossessions ; but so much cannot be said for his suffered, by the absolute loss of its freedom, posidesire to palliate all the faults and crimes of the tively aggravated by the fact, that its freedom was great man of his history. This desire betrays him not wrested from it, but voluntarily yielded up? frequently into trains of thought, involving prin- No such thought occurs to a Bonapartist Frenchciples which it is not easy to reconcile with the man. The humiliation of having had a despotic strong advocacy of popular rights supposed to be master is forgotten in the glory of the deeds which undertaken by the party of which he is a chief. the master taught his servants to perform. The The truth is, that such inconsistency must inevi- mass of the nation, looking back on a time when it tably be fallen into, by any one who, professing was led by Napoleon through a course of conquest even the most moderate form of liberal principles such as Europe had not witnessed for a thousand in politics, shall attempt to defend the conduct of years, is prouder of having served him like a herd Napoleon, either towards the French nation, or of slaves, than it would have been of coöperating towards other European states. By a person constitutionally in the wisest government of a holding such principles, the defence ought never to peaceful sovereign. Nay, the pride of having conbe undertaken. The rule of Napoleon over France fronted the tempests of the empire is higher now (however great the genius which conducted its than it was when those tempests blew. There hus administrative measures, or however glorious the been time to forget the strait pressure of the war military triumphs it gained for the nation) was taxes, the misery and the bloodshed of the exreally an unlimited despotism : the attainment hausting conscriptions, the degradation of foreign of an unlimited despotism, exercised directly or invasions and of foreign conquests. indirectly, was, not perhaps from the first, but In his History, as in the tribune, M. Thiers certainly from a very early stage in his extraordi- pays a willing homage to the Bonapartist spirit. nary career, the paramount purpose of all that he Down to the point to which his fourth volume did in relation to foreign states. These points carries us, that is, to the point at which Napoleon should always be admitted as the foundation of was about to be crowned as emperor, he has noreasoning upon his public character: and the only where found occasion to discover that his hero had important question that remains open is this done any act of which his countrymen had just whether, for those whom he ruled, it was better or reason to complain. Our author's favorite manner worse that they should for a time be subjected to of contemplating great events his way of seeming such a despotism as his; a question which, in re- to look at them as a cool and dispassionate specgard to France itself, might not be altogether easy tator, who declines to speculate either on their of solution.

causes or on their moral bearings—enables him to But, to a Frenchman, the admission upon which glide lightly over any spot of his journey, where such a question is based, must be a very bitter pill, the hollow ground might break through beneath an -nauseous to the palate, and indigestible for the incautious tread. stomach. It is no wonder that the French are We cannot pause to trace either the political loath to swallow it. Their historians have found progress of the first consul in the period before us,

out several ways of saving them from the un- or the particulars of the manner in which the pro"pleasant necessity. The most usual method is gress is related. The author sums up his views that which M. Thiers adopts, and which no one for us in the closing paragraphs of the third 'uses with greater dexterity. His countrymen are volume, when he has just described, with quiet rreminded, again and again, that the idol they exactness, the devices by which that skilful 'worshipped was an idol of their own making, that tactician, Cambacérès, had first gagged the Tributhe throne he sat upon was one which they had nate, and afterwards set the senate at nought, built for him. It is shown how, after those scenes and gained for his master the consulship for life, of violence which gave him his first hold of power, with the prerogative of appointing his successor. every step he took towards absolute sovereignty Having arrived at the third year of his consulwas cordially acquiesced in, or had even been ate, he presented himself to the two legislative originally suggested, by the voice of the French assemblies, the bearer of peace both on land and nation, speaking either through its authorized at sea, peace with Heaven, amnesty to all the prorepresentatives, or directly by the personal votes scribed, a splendid code of laws, an effective of the citizens. The fact undoubtedly was so : scheme of public education, and a glorious system -a:d it is not the least curious fact in this strange of social distinctions. Although he presented himhistory, that the last step of Napoleon's rise, (ex- self with his hands loaded with these gifts, he had, cept the assumption of the imperial title, which nevertheless, encountered an unexpected, violent, was merely a point of form,) was gained by an and senseless opposition, attributable partly to appeal made, in cool violation of the existing con- worthy, and parily to very unworthy motives—10 .stitution, from the official representatives of the the envy of some members, and to the love entermation to the nation at large. The French his- tained by others of a liberty at that time altogether torians never hint at a reflection which suggests impracticable. Delivered by the wisdom of his itself instantaneously to observers whose national colleague, Cambacérès, from this opposition, vanity is not interested in the argument. Suppose which, in his fury, he would have crushed by vioNapoleon's despotism had been reared up, from lence, he had now at length crowned all his labors, first to last, by undisguised military violence : sup- and had succeeded in procuring the national assent pose he had been placed and supported on the to the treaties concluded with Europe, to the Con

throne by the army, in opposition or disregard to cordat, his system of lay and national education, * the will of the people: might not this have been a and to the institution of the Legion of Honor ; state of things less dishonorable for France, than and had received, as a reward for all these serthat which actually took place ? Is it not a vices, the chief power for life, and thus attained a smaller blot on the honor of a nation, to have been greatness equal to that of the Roman emperors. enslaved by force, than to have willingly con. At this instant, he resumed the labor of the Codes, sented to slavery ? Or, to put the case without adjusted as arbiter the conflicting interests on the any comparison, is not the disgrace which France continent, reformed the constitution of Germany,

66

and distributed the territories to the various princes gard to military operatiuns, in particular, much with an equity which was acknowledged by all license must be allowed, both to the narration of Europe.

occurrences,

and to the estimate of results. “Now if, dismissing from the mind everything When, for instance, the historian describes the which has happened since, we imagine for a mo- landing of the English army, under Abercromby, ment this dictator, at that time necessary to the at Alexandria, he may be quietly allowed so to country, continuing as wise as he was great, arrange his narrative, that the admiration of his uniting those opposing attributes, which the Al- readers shall be excited exclusively in favor of mighty, it is true, has never yet combined in one the French; nor is it worth while to cavil with mortal, that rigor of genius which constitutes a him for denying that the battle was lost, since he great commander, with that patience which is the is himself compelled to admit that the victory was distinguishing feature of the founder of an empire, decisive enough to wrest Egypt out of the hands tranquillizing, by a long repose, the convulsed of the French. Nor, to take another example, is French nation, and preparing the people, by slow it a maiter of any consequence that Admiral de degrees, for that liberiy which is the honor and the Saumurez should be represented, in the naval enindispensable ingredient in modern societies; then, gagement off Cadiz, in the summer of 1801, as after having rendered France so great, appeasing, having "cruelly revenged himself,” by an inciinstead of irritating the jealousies of the surround-dent, which indeed contributed to his success; ing nations, establishing the territorial demarca- but for which, as the narrative of M. Thiers, in tions, fixed by the treaties of Lunéville and the same page, distinctly shows, the admiral was Ainiens, upon a settled foundation, as the perma- not, in the slightest degree, answerable. In like nent, immutable basis upon which the balance of manner, it is natural enough that the account Europe should rest ; at length terminating his given of the actions of Napoleon, shall everycareer by an act worthy of the Antonines, by se- / where be somewhat colored by the writer's feellecting, no matter in what quarter, the most wor- ings of pride and admiration ; feelings, however, thy successor, in whose hands to place this or- which, if we mistake not, are evinced more and ganized France, now prepared for liberty, and for more openly as the work proceeds. Much, likeever aggrandized : what man had ever equalled wise, that enters into such an account, is matter this? But such a man, conibining the military of taste; and an oration, or a diplomatic paper, genius of Cæsar, and the political talents of Au- which to one man seems noble or august, may be gustus, with the noble qualities and sublime vir thought by another to be a piece of stage-trick, or tues of Marcus Aurelius, would have been more of coarse rhodomontade. We are thus inclined to than human; and the rulers assigned to us by abstain from all objections to a good deal which Providence are not divine.

appears to us to give too flattering a view of Na" And yet, at this period, he appeared so mod-poleon's conduct, especially in its moral aspect; erate after having been so victorious, he showed (for it is not the wonderful genius of the man, himself so profound a legislator after having but his character as a moral agent, that we are proved himself so great a commander, he evinced ever inclined to rate low ;) and in the same way so much love for the arts of peace after having ex- we say nothing of some assertions, and many celled in the arts of war, that well inight he excite opinions, which are by no means soothing to our illusions in France and in the world. Only some national prejudices. We will even give one or few amongst the personages who were admitted two specimens, in which it will be found that to his councils, who were capable of judging of there is a considerable sprinkling of truth, flafuturity by the present, were filled with as much vored, however, with so much of pique and anianxiety as admiration, on witnessing the inde- mosity, as to disguise the truth from English apfuigable activity of his mind and body, the energy prehension, till after a strong effort of reflection. of his will, and the impetuosity of his desires. It is thus that the historian alludes to some of They trembled even at seeing him do good in the those causes which led to the rupture of the peace way he did, so impatient was he to accomplish it of Amiens; a rupture for which, as we admit, quickly, and upon an immense scale. The saga- the English ministry was primarily to blame, cious Tronchet, who both admired and loved him, although, sooner or later, a breach must have and looked upon him as the saviour of France, taken place :said, nevertheless, one day, in a tone of deep Imagine an envious man witnessing the sucfeeling, to Cambacérès, · This young man begins cess of a dreaded rival ; and you will have a tollike Cæsar; I fear that he will end like him.'' erably correct idea of the sentiments with which

In animadverting on the strong bias shown by England beheld the prosperity of France. That M. Thiers towards Napoleon, and against Eng- mighty and illustrious nation had, nevertheless, land, we make full allowance for prepossessions, in its own greatness, wherewithal to console itfrom which even the most dispassionate historian self for the greatness of another. But it was a would find it difficult to extricate himself. Neither prey to a singular jealousy. While the successes in regard to the Emperor of France, nor in regard of General Bonaparte had been an argument to the nation which was the emperor's most dan- against the administration of Mr. Pitt, they had gerous enemy, do we expect that the writer shall been hailed in England with a sort of applause. feel as an Englishman would. When a sore place is But since these successes, continued and heighttouched, we do not insist that he shall not wince; ened, were those of France herself; since she when a circumstance is to be related, which flat- was seen to grow greater by peace as well as by ters the national vanity, we do not expect that he war, by policy as much as by arms; since in shall abstain from exultation. We are prepared eighteen months the Italian Republic had been to find that the tone of expression throughout the seen to become, under the presidency of General whole work shall be such as to show the exist- Bonaparte, a French province, Piedmont added to ence of such feelings; and we do not quarrel with our territory with the assent of the continent, the feeling, even when it exhibits itself with a Parma and Louisiana increasing our possessions vividness not quite justified by the facts. In re- by the mere execution of treaties, lastly, Germany reconstituted by our sole influence; since the types and presses of The Morning Post, and all this had been seen accomplished peaceably, to throw The Age into the Thames ? Napoleon naturally, as a thing arising from a universally addressed similar demands to the ministry of accepted situation, a manifest spite had seized all George III., and made it a ground of quarrel that English hearts; and this spite was no more dis- the demands were refused : and M. Thiers not sembled than are usually the feelings of a pas- only thinks the first consul's conduct to have been sionate, proud, and free people.”

justifiable, though a little pettish, (justifiable in In another place, where he has to admit that all respects, except his condescending to write the first consul had, in his opinion, committed a with his own hand bitter and abusive leading artimistake in policy, he consoles himself by the re- cles for The Moniteur,) but actually stoops to give flection, that England has fallen into the same an incorrect and incomplete report, both of the remistake, and is likely enough to fall into it again. ply which the English ministry made to the deHe is speaking of the expedition against St. Do- mand, and of the steps which they really took in mingo. That expedition, undertaken for the pur consequence of it. We do not defend all that pose of preserving, for France, the wealthiest of Mr. Addington and his colleagues did in these all the West India Islands, had been baffled by | matters : in them, as in many others, they were the genius and heroism of the negro Toussaint alike weak and imprudent; but they did not do L'Ouverture, (a great man, though a barbarian, all that they are charged by the French with har. whose memory is treated by Thiers with as sig- ing done, and they did some things for which the nal injustice as his person was by Napoleon) and French historian will not give them credit. We had issued in the niortifying destruction of one of cannot spare room for the particulars, and content the finest armies that the French ever sent out. ourselves with referring to the sixteenth book of

“Such was the sacrifice made by the first con- the history.—The point mainly involved in the sul to the ancient commercial system of France, case, is the characier of an administration, for a sacrifice for which he has been keenly censured. which no British reader of ordinary intelligence Still, to judge soundly of the acts of the heads of entertains any respect. But the case illustrates governments, we should always take into account aptly, within a narrow compass, the tendency of the circumstances under the control of which they M. Thiers to take up and 10 convey inaccurate acted. When peace had been made with the and unfair impressions, on questions in which the whole world, when the ideas of old commerce policy of Great Britain is concerned. poured in again like a torrent, when, in Paris and The extent to which his judgment and feelings in all the sea-ports, the merchants, the ruined are warped by his Anglophobia, is shown yet colonists, loudly demanded the reëstablishment of more palpably by the next example we shall give. our cominercial prosperity ; when they urged the No one needs to be reminded of that cruel decree, recovery of a possession which once constituted by which, on the breaking out of the war in 1803, the wealth and the pride of the ancient monarchy; several thousands of British subjects, travelling or when thousands of officers, seeing with mortifica- residing in France, were arrested without warntion their career cut shori by peace, offered 10 ing, and detained as prisoners of war, most of serve in any part of the world where their arms them till the dethronement of the emperor in 1814. were needed ; was it possible to refuse to the re- This procedure is universally recognized, except, grets of the former and to the activity of the latter perhaps, in Paris, as having been not only cruel, the occasion for restoring the commerce of France ? but unjustifiable by the law of nations, and unWhat has England not done to preserve North precedented in the history of civilized Europe. America, Spain to preserve South America ? Even if it had been less clearly unjustifiable, on What would not Holland do to preserve Java ? diplomatic principles, yet surely the harshness of Nations never suffered any great possession to it, and the misery ii brought upon so many slip out of their hands, without making an effort innocent persons and families, might have claimed to retain it, even though they have no chance of a word of sympathy. No such word is here ut

We shall see if the American war hastered.: we have nothing but one of the author's furnished the English with a lesson, and if they cool recitals of the acts which were done, and of will attempt to defend Canada, whenever that the arguments by which the actor justified them : northern colony shall indulge the very natural and this recital, too, involves in iis close a posipredilection which attracts it towards the United tive misstatement; since it was not the fact that States.'

the arrests were confined to persons in the public But these are not the most glaring examples of service. We quote the paragraph without farthe unfair and ungenerous spirit which our author ther comment :displays, in speaking of England. We are A circumstance easy enough, it is true, 10 be weary of fault-finding, but cannot avoid pointing foreseen, served greatly to increase the public inout, hastily, two instances, both of which, we dignation. Almost at the moment of the departinnst say, surprise us not a little.

ure of the two ambassadors, and before any reguLet us suppose that M. Thiers were again to be lar manifestation, news arrived that the ships of prime minister of France. If, while he is minis- the English royal navy were capturing French ter, the Duke of Bordeaux were to return to Eng- merchantmen. "Two frigates had taken in the Jand, would M. Thiers advise Louis Philippe to bay of Audierne a number of trading vessels, insist that the alien law should be put in force which were going to seek refuge at Brest. These against him? If the tory newspapers of London first acts were soon followed by many others, intelwere to libel the king of the French, and to ex ligence of which arrived from all the ports. It hort his subjects to restore the Bourbons (and was a violence not at all conformable to the law the most zealous of them have published such of nations. There was a formal stipulation or libels, and such exhortations, hundreds of times, this subject in the late treaty signed between when his newly-raised throne was tottering on its America and France, (301h of September, 1800, base)—would M. Thiers address to Sir Robert | Art. 8,) but in the treaty of Amiens, it is true, Peel a diplomatic note, calling on him to seize there was nothing of the sort. That treaty con

success.

ers,

tained no stipulation for delaying, in case of rup- | acting on their own responsibility. If English ture, the commencement of hostilities against gold was furnished to desperate emigrants, in the commerce. But this delay resulted from the hope that it would promote a new revolution in inoral principles of the law of nations, placed far France, by means not involving actual crime ; they above all written stipulations. The first consul, who furnished it cannot be held free from all blame, all the ardor of whose character was kindled by if the assistance given was used for purposes which this new situation, determined instantly to use re- the givers never contemplated. The equivocal prisals, and drew up an arrêté, by which he de intrigues of Mr. Drake, the British minister at clared all the English, travelling in France at the Munich, deserved no better issue than the humiltime of the rupture, prisoners of war. Since the iating and ludicrous exposure which they received English, he said, were determined to visit upon from the counter-intrigue conducted by the first mere traders, innocent of the policy of their gov- consul in person. This part of the story is told ernment, the consequences of that policy, he was by M. Thiers with infinite zest, and, we believe, authorized to do the same, and to secure means with complete accuracy. But Mr. Drake's secret of exchange by constituting the British subjects correspondents, (fellows who were in the pay of actually arrested on the soil of France his prison- Napoleon, and who sent to Munich information

This measure, though actuated by the con- which was dictated to them by him,) were not ihe duct of Great Britain, nevertheless exhibited a most dangerous persons with whom the advisers character of rigor which was liable to ruffle the of George III. allowed themselves to be suspected public opinion, and to excite apprehensions of the of having dealings. renewal of the violences of the last war. M. Georges Cadoudal, the chief of the Chouans of Cambacérès strongly remonstrated with the first Morbihan, in Brittany, had made his escape on the consul, and obtained a modification of the pro- final defeat of his band, and was living in Engjected dispositions. Thanks to his efforts, those land. This daring and unscrupulous partisan dispositions were made to apply only to such became the principal agent in a plot which was British subjects as were in the inilitary service, hatched by the emigrants, for purposes as to which or held any commission whatever from the gov- there is still contradiction among historical writers. ernment. For the rest, they were not confined, Il was certainly intended for the overthrow of the but merely prisoners on parole in various fortified consular government: it is equally certain that the places.”

unfortunate General Pichegru, lately escaped from We pass to the last two bouks of the fourth Cayenne, and living in London, was a party 10 it; volume, which are the most animated and interest-ihat it was also shared in by some of the confidening pieces of narrative the work has yet furnished. tial advisers of the Count d'Artois ; and that Gen

The latter of the two, if it occurred in a history eral Moreau, living at Paris, in retirement, and written anywhere but in France, would be headed, avowedly a malcontent, was likewise involved in and headed truly, “ The Murder of the Duke it. According to the royalist writers, nothing was D'Enghien.” On the page before us, it is entitled, contemplated beyond insurrection and the restoramore prudently, “ The Conspiracy of Georges.'

'stion of the Bourbons; or, if any designs were The drift of the narrative is not to be mistaken. entertained against the first consol's life, they It is an attempt, which the writer is hardly at must have been merely the frantic notions of the trouble of disguising, to find palliations for the Georges, or others of the inferior conspirators, and atrocious deed, which is the principal event related cannot have been known to the more elevated perin it. The task undertaken is difficult; and it is sonages implicated. According to M. Thiers, and not surprising that, however dexterously per- others, the main purpose was the taking away of formed, the result should be unsatisfactory." In Napoleon's life; and the Count d'Artois, or some truth, the only strong point that is made out, is other of the princes, was either to he present when this ; not that Napoleon did what was right, but the deed was done, or was to show himself immethat other parties, as well as he, did things which diately afterwards. were very wrong. Even this lame defence is de- “Let us now look at the plan of the new conformed by exaggerations and positive mistakes or spiracy. There was no longer any chance of getmisrepresentations. The English ministry are ting up an insurrection in La Vendée ; on the other accused, persevering!y and directly, not only of hand, to make a direct attack on the first consul, having employed and paid royalist agents to fo- in the very heart of Paris, seemed an equally sure ment discontents in France, especially in the army, and speedy means of attaining the desired end. and to incite insurrection against the consular gov- The consular government being once overthrown, ernment, (a charge which is unquestionably true,) no other government, according to the authors of but of having incited and hired such persons to this project, could succeed it but that of the Bourassassinate the first consul. That Napoleon him- bons. Now, as the consular government was self believed the charge, is very likely; but it is wholly vested in the person of General Bonatruly marvellous that an honorable and well in- parte, it was necessary that he should be destroyed : formed man, even though a Frenchman, and a this conclusion was inevitable. But he must be worshipper of the manes of the emperor, should destroyed without chance of failure. The dagger, at this time of day believe and repeat the accusa- the infernal machine, and similar means, left too tion. Not only is it untrue, but (we make the much to chance; the firmness of the assassin's assertion advisedly) there is not the slightest proof heart or the steadiness of his hand might fail him ; of its truth-not the slightest proof, even by infer- the infernal machine might explode an instant too ence-in any part of the circumstantial narrative soon or an instant too late. But there was one which is presented to us. Yet it is no very unjust mode which had not yet been tried, and upon retribution, that the memory of the English minis- which, cousequently, no stigma of ill success try of that time should suffer by this foul imputa- rested ; that of assembling a hundred resolute men, tion. They who stoop to employ dangerous and with the intrepid Georges as their leader; to way. onworthy agents, must be content to sbare some lay the First Consul's carriage on the road to St. part of the opprobriuin which the agents earn by Cloud or to Malmaison ; to atiаck his guard

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