The Great Uprising in New York City.

In New York city the most exciting campaign, and in many respects the most remarkable contest in the history of the city, took place. For years the Republican state boss and the Tammany boss have from time to time made common cause against the people. Of course the public-service companies have been behind the bosses all the time and have been the great controlling influence in dictating their courses, as they have been the power behind the throne that has given the bosses dominion.

During the next four years there are vast sums of money to be expended in greater New York, reaching up into the millions of dollars. Ryan, Belmont and their fellow public-service cormorants have their greedy eyes fastened upon the rich prize. It is not surprising, theretore, that Boss Odell of the Republican party defeated the attempt at fusion which at that time alone offered hope of overcoming the baleful influence of Boss Murphy of Tammany Hall.

At the moment, however, when all seemed secure, a tremendous public-meeting nominated William R. Hearst, ex-Senator Ford, J. G. Phelps Stokes and Clarence Shearn on a Municipal-Ownership ticket amid unparalleled excitement and enthusiasm. Mr. Hearst at first declined to run, not desiring to enter the mayoralty contest. The people, however, insisted, and he and his associates made one of the most brilliant campaigns known in the history of American municipal government. Never before in the annals of New York had a mayoralty candidate been received with such unbounded enthusiasm as was Mr. Hearst. From all parts of New York, save in the great gamblers' den of Wall street, came spontaneous and enthusiastic support. The press of the city, however, outside of his own papers, for the most part united in an effort to defeat him. Only the New York World and Herald maintained an independent attitude. It soon became evident that the MunicipalOwnership ticket would sweep the city unless the wishes of the people could be defeated by the corrupt use of wealth. Tammany leaders boldly boasted that they had a million and a half to spend. All the great Wall-street magnates, all the great trust-lawyers, all the grafters and henchmen of political bosses and machines, were arrayed against the Municipal-Ownership ticket; and after the great Madison Square meeting held in the interests

of Mr. Hearst on the Sunday night before election, which proved to be the greatest political gathering in the history of the city, it is stated that the Republican leaders gave the word to knife their own candidate and support McClellan, so that the reign of the bosses, the public-service corporations and the corruptionists might continue.

The city of Brooklyn gave fifteen thousand majority to the Municipal-Ownership ticket. Tammany, however, desperate, resorted to the most shameless crimes to perpetuate its rule. Men were slugged, beaten and even killed in their attempts to work for Mr. Jerome for district-attorney and for Mr. Hearst. It is stated that thousands of Municipal-Ownership advocates when they went to vote found that others had voted in their names. Mr. Bird S. Coler, who headed the MunicipalOwnership ticket in Brooklyn, declared that he had evidence of thousands of fraudulent votes being cast in Brooklyn alone-far more votes than the alleged majority of McClellan. The election officers in many instances held back the returns for many hours, but in spite of all the efforts made by Tammany Hall, the face of the returns as given out only gave McClellan 3,485 plurality. These same returns showed that the head of the MunicipalOwnership ticket had over 225,000 votes counted for him.

Mr. Hearst, however, had overwhelming evidence of fraud brought to his attention and therefore demanded a recount, with a view to contesting the election, the result at this writing being therefore undecided.

Mr. Jerome, who ran independent of any organization, having been denied a place on the three tickets, was elected by a substantial majority, another blow to boss and machinerule.

A Popular Victory in Boston. One of the greatest surprises of the November elections occurred in Boston where Mr. John B. Moran won the election for districtattorney by more than four thousand votes over the present incumbent of the office who had received the nomination of the Republican party and the endorsement of the Democratic party and who was supported by every paper in the city with the exception of Hearst's Boston American, the latter paper maintaining an independent position and giving Mr. Moran's speeches to the public. The nominee of the machines was eminently satisfactory

to the grafters, the public-service corporations, the lobbyists and the corruptionists, and it was supposed that, having the support of all political machines and of every morning paper in the city and of all the evening papers but one, he would be elected by an enormous majority. Mr. Moran, however, made an appeal directly to the people, promising that the rich rogues should receive the same treatment as the little rogues at his hands. He had previously made a fine fight for the people when the gas-trust was trying to get an infamous measure through the legislature and also was fighting the reduction of the price of gas in Boston. The victory of Mr. Moran was one of the greatest surprises and one of the most hopeful victories in the November elections, as well as one of the most severe blows to the machines and bosses.

The Result in San Francisco.

In San Francisco Mayor Schmitz, the laborunion candidate, was reelected by fifteen thousand majority. There has been great dissatisfaction on the part of many of the most sincere friends of labor as well as lovers of pure government, with the administration of Mayor Schmitz, and it is quite possible that he might have been defeated had not the Citizens' Alliance element played into the hands of the mayor by assuming an aggressive position in the contest. That at once caused the hosts

of union labor to rally around the man that its organized foe had singled out for slaughter, with the result that the labor mayor was triumphantly elected.

supported the liquor measure. This aroused general indignation throughout the state and fostered the dissatisfaction that had long since been growing in the minds of the more independent and thoughtful patriots of all parties. The continued aggressions of the publicservice corporations and other privileged interests and the disclosures in the insurance investigation also proved powerful influences in arousing the public conscience. The boss and the governor, however, felt thoroughly secure. They believed the voters of Ohio to be so hypnotized by the name Republican and so under the spell of certain meaningless phrases and false shibboleths that had long been employed to conjure with, that with the vast corruption fund that they could always depend upon from the privileged interests they would prove invincible. They did not appreciate the fact that we are in the morningtime of a great moral awakening. Hence Boss Cox's programme was pushed through regardless of the protests of the more decent element of the party. Herrick was renominated and the campaign opened with the boss and his tools absolutely confident of success. Had not Ohio given Governor Herrick 114,000 plurality two years before, and had not the state been carried by President Roosevelt by 255,000 votes last year? Surely, there could be no danger of defeat in a state where the majorities were so large.

Johnson had given Cleveland the cleanest, But the people were thinking. Mayor most honest and the finest municipal government enjoyed by any American city in recent years. Boss Cox's minions had given Cincinnati one of the most shameful and dis

Ohio From Boss Rule.

ONE OF the most interesting and in every way encouraging elections of the year was held in Ohio. There the corrupt boss Cox, whose shameful work of Tammanyizing or Durhamizing Cincinnati has been admirably described by Mr. Steffens, aspired to become the absolute dictator of his state and play the rôle in Ohio that Quay played in Pennsylvania. Cox had also set his heart on becoming a United States Senator and everything seemed going his way. Governor Herrick was his pliant tool, and when in order to hold the support of the liquor interests some offensive liquor legislation was pressed last winter, Governor Herrick showed his contempt for the religious protestants and actively

and now this man aspired to be the real master or dictator of the state. The Democrats nominated a prominent temperance man, a true democrat, with a clean record for honesty and probity, and to his standard the people flocked. Moreover, they had determined to break machine-rule and destroy the corrupt boss while overthrowing the reactionary legislature that had been the servile tool of corrupt public-service companies and privileged interests. They cast their ballots in such a manner as to leave no doubt as to the determination of the commonwealth. Governor Patterson was elected by 41,705 votes, and the legislature passed into the hands of the Democratic party a victory so sweeping as to be revolutionary in character.

When Mr. Blankenburg last January opened his series of papers on "The Masters and Rulers of "The Freemen' of Pennsylvania," the outlook for the overthrow of the corrupt ring built up by the late Senator Quay through the aid of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, other public-service corporations and the privileged interests of the state, seemed hopeless. The ring that ruled Philadelphia appeared to be impregnably buttressed. Its members had complete control of all government machinery; they had padded the votinglists of Philadelphia by the addition of from sixty to eighty thousand fraudulent names, and the virus of corruption had extended not only to Pittsburgh but throughout the state. President Roosevelt carried Pennsylvania, according to the face of the returns, by half a million votes, and the people seemed steeped in moral apathy. In less than a year, so great has been the revolution, that at the November election the state treasurer, nominated by the Prohibition and Democratic parties, was elected by over 85,000 majority, an overturn of nearly 600,000 votes.

Senator Gorman's Waterloo.

Senator Gorman has long stood as the most obnoxious Democratic boss in the United States, whose methods more nearly approached those of Quay, Addicks, Penrose, Cox, Platt and Odell than those of any other Democratic politician. In late years the hold over his state of this political leader has become more and more precarious as the moral sensibilities of the people became aroused. The privileged interests which Gorman had so faithfully served were coming to feel that the Republican party could be depended upon to carry forward their wishes, and without their support Gorman's eclipse was foreshadowed unless he could devise a plan by which he would be able to keep an indefinite hold on the state of Maryland. His plan to disfranchise the negro was a plan to render permanent his boss-ship of the state. The iniquitous scheme was denounced by the Democratic senator, Governor Warfield, and indeed by the most liberal and progressive Democrats as well as Republicans of the state. Perhaps the most efficient worker against Gorman in the late campaign was Secretary

Bonaparte. The result of the election has proved the Waterloo for Gorman, his amendment for disfranchisement being defeated by about 30,000 votes.

The Result in Massachusetts.

In Massachusetts the election was won by the Republican party by a very narrow margin. Had it not been for the fact that Henry M. Whitney had long been the master-spirit in the street-railway monopoly of Boston, whose malodorous record in the legislature of Massachusetts cast in the shade all legislative scandals of the past quarter of a century, unless it be that of the gas company in which Mr. Whitney was also the master-spirit, we think there is no doubt but what Mr. Whitney at least would have been triumphantly elected, for he stood as the distinct representative of the idea of reciprocity-an idea overwhelmingly popular with the people of the commonwealth. A large proportion of the Republican party of Massachusetts clamored for reciprocity, and Mr. Draper stood as the foremost representative of those who are opposed to tariff revision. His position in this respect was similar to that of Senator Lodge. The Senator, whose autocratic spirit has entitled him to be ranked as the boss of Massachusetts, determined that Mr. Draper should appear as lieutenant-governor on the ticket. He also needlessly antagonized the reciprocity Republicans by his sneering allusion to them and courted the humiliating personal rebuke he received by declaring that every vote cast against Mr. Draper would be a vote against himself. In order to express their sentiment in favor of reciprocity and also to resent the

arrogance of the state boss who is so dear to the privileged interests that plunder the people, many thousands of the liberal Republicans determined to knife Mr. Draper. The Democrats took advantage of this condition and nominated Mr. Whitney who had taken a bold and positive stand for reciprocity. Mr. Whitney's wealth enabled him to carry on the most aggressive campaign that has been pushed forward by the Democratic party in years. However, thousands of self-respecting voters refused to support Mr. Whitney solely because they remembered the shameful legislative scandal in connection with the street-railway legislation and which Mr. George Fred. Williams, incorruptible and scholarly representative of true Democracy, so admirably epito

mized in these words:

"I charge Mr. Whitney with procuring the passage of an elevated-railroad charter by employing an enormous lobby, by securing the silence or assistance of leading politicians with legal retainers, by influencing the nominations and elections of members of the legislature, by attempting to influence the appointment of the street-railway committee, by expending from $33,000 to $53,000, and by buying off competitors for a charter. Mr. Whitney," added Mr. Williams, "denies none of these charges and they were amply proved in the West End investigation. The above charges," he urged, "constitute corruption of the legislature as defined by the courts."

These conscientious voters also remembered that the conservative Democrat, Governor Russell, had denounced in unmeasured terms the methods and practices which had secured the legislation so peculiarly advantageous to Mr. Whitney, and though they were for the most part either outspoken friends of free trade or strongly in favor of reciprocity, they would not stultify themselves by voting for Mr. Whitney. Personally we know of a number of voters who cast their ballots either for Mr. Draper or for the Prohibitionist or Socialist tickets, simply because they would not vote for a man whose influence in politics in the past had been in their judgment so baleful and pernicious.

This election offered a striking example of the imperative need of the referendum-the referendum that is dreaded by every corrupt boss and minion of corporate wealth. The people wanted to express their views on the question of reciprocity, but through the re

fusal of the legislature to yield to the fundamental demand of democratic government there was no way in which they could do so without voting for a man whose election in the eyes of a large number of people would be a blow to pure government and would be taken as a vindication of methods that they felt were subversive of democracy and political integrity. They were therefore denied the privilege of expressing their wishes on a question which they believed to be of vital importance. On the other hand, thousands doubtless voted for Mr. Whitney with profound regret that only in that way could they express their indignation and impatience at the recreancy of the national government to the interests of the people and its subserviency to privileged interests to whom the dominant party looks for enormous campaign funds.

Altogether the result of the elections of November is more significant and encouraging than of any elections in a quarter of a century. tional agitation addressed primarily to the All that is now required is a persistent educamoral idealism and high sense of patriotic duty of the citizen, and organization. In every city, town and hamlet the true patriots who are friends of the fundamental principles of democracy and of pure government owe it to their nation, their commonwealth and their community to organize into clubs for the systematic educational agitation of the demands for direct-legislation and pure government. If such a systematic campaign of education can be pushed forward from now on, the overthrow of the boss and the controlled machine and the vindication of the fundamental principles of free government can be easily achieved within six years. The call of duty was never more clear or imperative than to-day. Educate, agitate, organize. The salvation of the nation is dependent on it, and you have a solemn duty to perform.

William Randolph Hearst and The Most Exciting Municipal Campaign in History of New York.

DURING the exciting weeks prior to and since the November elections, no man in public life has loomed so large or has grown so steadily in the appreciation of men and women who think and who place the cause of popular government, of justice for all the people, of political integrity and popular education above selfish interests and unreasoning preju