Ver. 26. Leah being summed up, Dinah (under the name of daughters) must be taken in, to make up three-and-thirty; reckoning Jacob καὶ ἐξέστη τῇ διανοίᾳ Ἰακώβ. où yàp himself also for one of them. ἐπίστευσεν αὐτοῖς. Au. Ver.-26 And told him, saying, Joseph is yet alive, and he is governor over all the land of Egypt. And Jacob's [Heb., his] heart fainted, for he believed them not. And Jacob's heart fainted, &c. So Pool. Ged., Booth.-And Jacob's heart palpitated; though he believed them not. Gesen.- occurs in two conjugations; in Kal, 1. To be cold, to lose one's animal warmth. (In Arab. and Syr. idem.) Gen. xlv. 26, ia? p, and his heart remained cold, in opposition to im, verse 27. Rosen., Schum. And his heart remained cold, unmoved, i.e., he disbelieved the tidings. Rosen. There is here an enallage of number, which is frequent in the genealogies, for Jacob had only one daughter, viz., Dinah. Thus, in the 23d verse of this chapter, we read, And the sons of Dan; Hushim. Other examples are met with, Numb. iv. 27; xxvi. 8. Schumann maintains that there was no proof that Jacob had no daughter except Dinah, as the names of women are frequently omitted in the genealogies. "Rosenmuellerus, Schottus, aliique quum Iacobus unam tantum filiam habuerit, Dinam, hic viderunt enallagen numeri. Sed quia constat, Hebræos in genealogia feminarum nomina tacere, nisi rerum gestarum causa memoratu digna reperta sint non potest me quidem arbitro certo contendi, Verba i plures ita reddunt: animi deliquium passus est, scil. præ nimia lætitia. Sed hoc verbis quæ sequuntur nam fidem eis Iacobum præter Dinam nullam filiam non habuit, parum aptum est. Igitur melius ex significatione verbi Syriaci et Arabici, frigere, vertitur, ut Michaelis et Dathius fecerunt, ita ut sensus sit: verum ille hoc parum commovebatur. Michaelis: sein Herz ὁ δὲ λέγει αὐτῷ. ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ θεὸς τῶν πατέρων σου. habuisse. Quodsi possis demonstrare, verisimilius tamen nobis videtur intelligere aut una cum Dina nurus Iacobi, quarum filios filiasque auctor commemorat, (cfr. v. 26) aut indefinite loqui scriptorem: quæcunque eius filiæ, id quod saltem v. 15, extra dubitationem positum videtur: omnes animæ filiorum filiarumque, i. e., omnes omnino posteri Iacobi modo recensiti (cum Iacobo ipso) erant xxxiii.—Schum. Ver. 12. Au. Ver.-3 And he said, I am God, then by wing my many pa God of thy father: -ATT וָזָרַח וַיָּמָת עֶר וְאוֹכָן בְּאֶרֶץ כְּנַעַן וַיִּהְיוּ .I am God. So most of the commentators Booth. I am the mighty one, the God of thy father; υἱοὶ δὲ Ἰούδα. Ηρ, καὶ Αυνάν, καὶ Σηλὼμ, Ged.I am the very God of thy fathers καὶ Φαρές, καὶ Ζαρά. ἀπέθανε δὲ Ηρ καὶ [so the LXX]. Ver. 7. Au. Ver. His sons, and his sons' sons with him, his daughters, and his sons' daughters, and all his seed brought he with him into Egypt. Αὐνὰν ἐν γῇ Χαναάν. ἐγένοντο δὲ υἱοὶ Φαρές. Au. Ver.-12 And the sons of Judah; Er, and Onan, and Shelah, and Pharez, and Zarah: but Er and Onan died in the land of Canaan. And the sons of Pharez were Hezron and Hamul. Bp. Patrick. His daughters.] He had but one daughter, and therefore the plural Schum.-12 Qui contendebant, hanc genumber is used for the singular (as ver. 23, nealogiam esse ab omnibus numeris absosons is put for son), or else he includes his lutam, magna difficultate chronologica hic granddaughter, who in Scripture language impediti sunt, quod Chezron et Chamul, is called the daughter of her grandfather. Pherezi filii, recensentur, qui tamen vix But the first seems the truest account, if ante Iacobi adventum in Ægyptum nati what is said ver. 15 be considered. Where sint. Namsi Iudas anno Iosephi septimo the whole number of his descendants from decimo, ut colligitur e Gen. xxxviii. 1, uxorem duxit, quomodo tandem intra xxiii. | profectus sit, secundum xxxi. 38, lx. annos annos, qui a venditione Iosephi usque ad natus in Cananæam rediit, et secundum ingressum Iacobi in Ægyptum præterierint xlvii. 9, 28, annum cxxx. egit, cum in (cfr. xli. 46; xlv. 6; Ilgenii Tempelarchiv, Ægyptum migrarit. Unde sagaciter colligit, p. 417), Iudæ filio ex Thamare nato Iosephum, qui iam ante x. annos imperii sui eoque omnium natu minimo duo filii nasci triginta annos natus dicatur xli. 46, in poterant? Itaque variam viam interpretes parentis adventu saltem annum quinquainierunt, ut inde sese expedirent. Alii gesimum, ideoque Iudam, qui duodecim statuebant, nuptias Iudæ, cap. xxxviii. per annis eum superasset (cfr. xxix. 35, cum hysterologiam commemorari; qua re negant xxx. 23), saltem annum sexagesimum transtempus matrimonii Iudæ in annum vendi- egisse, cum nepotes a Pherezo genitos tionis Iosephi incidere, imo putarunt, Iudam vidisset. Cui sententiæ calculum nostrum vel anno xiv. ætatis, i.e., septennio ante adiicere eo minus dubitamus, quod comvenditionem Iosephi uxorem duxisse, tribus positorem novimus rationes chronologicas seqq. annis tres filios genuisse eumque xxx. tantum in universum neque vero in unguem annos natum ex Thamare suscepisse Pha- afferre. rezum et Serachum (vid. Calovii Commentar., For another solution of the chronological p. 1327, s.), vel Iudam anno xii. ætatis difficulties depending upon the age of Jacob matrimonium iniisse et anno xiii. primum at the time of his going to Laban, see filium Pharezum genuisse (vid. Mercer). notes on Gen. xxxi. 38-41, page 53–55. Sed vides, eos e Scylla in Charybdin incidisse. Unde enim nosti, Iudam eiusque Ver. 13. וּבְנֵי יִשָׂשכָר תּוֹלָע וּפְנָה וְיוֹב filios tam praecoces fuisse in celebrandis nuptiis? Neque talem interpretationem admittit indoles capitis xxxviii. Quapropter alii existimarunt, illos Iudæ nepotes in Ægypto quidem natos esse sed hic recenseri sive quod, catalogi inscriptio ex regula constituta sit: a potiori parte fit denominatio (vid. Calov. 1. 1) sive quod ii et ipsi e femore Jacobi egressi dici potuerint, sive quod genealogus voluerit iis Geri et Onanis mortuorum locum supplere, sive denique quod genealogus id potissimum egerit, ut cum integram posterorum Iacobi genealogiam tum præterea numerum eorum omnium, qui e Iacobi prosapia in Ægyptum venissent, exhiberet (vid. I. A. Kanne bibl. Untersuch. und Auslegungen, p. ii. p. 58, ss. Rosenmuelleri Scholl. ad h. 1.). Sed præterquam quod v. 26, dissertis verbis narratur: : 17201 υἱοὶ δὲ Ἰσσάχαρ, Θωλὰ, καὶ Φουὰ, καὶ Ασούμ, καὶ Σαμβράν. Au. Ver.-13 And the sons of Issachar ; Au. Ver. These be the sons of Leah, which she bare unto Jacob in Padan-aram, with his daughter Dinah: all the souls of his sons and his daughters were thirty and three. Men C, permirum tibi videatur, reliquos Iacobi nepotes et pronepotes in Ægypto natos taceri. Quo viso Schulz. in Scholl. ad h. 1. opinatur, Iudam quarto anno commorationis Iacobi in Mesopotamia natum esse utpote filium quartum, id quod cap. xxix. relationi de Iacobi matrimonio plane repugnat. Hisce coniecturis atque erratis defatigatus et irretitus nodum illum uno ictu dissecuit Ilgen (Tempelarchiv, p. 262), statuens, verba - glossemate in textum venisse. Cautius vero eum solvere tentavit Thirty and three. To make up this numEwald. Compos. p. 261, ex cuius computa-ber we must omit Er and Onan, who died in tione Iacobus secundum xxvi. 34, saltem xl. the land of Canaan, and reckon Jacob and annos natus erat, cum in Mesopotamiam Dinah.-Rosen., Schum. These (be) the sons of Leah, which, &c. Of these only six were born in Padanaram, the rest in Canaan. But the words refer only to the heads of the families mentioned. "These be the six sons of Leah."Rosen. Ver. 20. ginta capitum, additis sc. Iacobo, Iosepho eiusque filiis. Ab ea discedunt LXX. propter anetarium, quod v. 20, habent forte יָלְדָה לוֹ אָסְנַת בַּת־פּוֹטִי פֶרַע כֹּהֵן אִן : IT ex 1 Chron. vii. 14, 20, 21, translatum. : Cfr. Acta Apostolor. vii. 14, ubi interpretes yario modo Stephani sententiam cum textu ἐγένοντο δὲ υἱοὶ Ἰωσὴφ ἐν γῇ Αἰγύπτου, οὓς ἔτεκεν αὐτῷ ̓Ασενεθ θυγάτηρ Πετεφρή ἱερέως Ηλιουπόλεως, τὸν Μανασσῆ, καὶ τὸν Εφραίμ. ἐγένοντο δὲ υἱοὶ Μανασσῆ, οὓς étekev avtą ý πaλλakỳ ý Ɛúpa, tòv Maxip. Μαχίρ δὲ ἐγέννησε τὸν Γαλαάδ. vioi de Ἐφραὶμ ἀδελφοῦ Μανασσῆ. Σουταλαὰμ, καὶ Ταάμ. υἱοὶ δὲ Σουταλαάμ. Εδώμ. Au. Ver.-20 And unto Joseph in the land of Egypt were born Manasseh and Hebræo conciliare tentarunt. Sed temere, quippe quod Stephanus LXX. translationem sequitur. Nos autem offendit hoc, quod Deut. x. 22, cum textu Hebræo consentiunt. LXX. v. 26, sexaginta sex numerant et Hinc patet, aut illud auctarium in textum venisse scholio antiquissimo aut LXX. sibi non constitisse. Cfr. Ex. i. 5.-Schum. Ver. 28. וְאֶת־יְהוּדָה שָׁלַח לְפָנָיו אֶל־יוֹסֵף Ephraim, which Asenath the daughter of לְהוֹרֹת לְפָנָיו בִּשְׁנָה וַיָּבֹאוּ אַרְצָה בְּשֶׁן : Potipherah priest [or, prince] of On bare unto him. After this verse the LXX. add, “And the sons of Manasseh whom his Syrian conτὸν δὲ Ἰούδαν ἀπέστειλεν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ cubine bare to him, were Machir. And πρὸς Ἰωσὴφ συναντῆσαι αὐτῷ καθ ̓ ἡρώων Machir begat Galaad. And the sons of πόλιν, εἰς γὴν Ῥαμεσσῆ. Ephraim the brother of Manasseh were Soutalaam and Taam. And the sons of Soutalaam were Edom." And make the total number of persons seventy-five as in Acts vii. 14. But this addition is taken from 1 Chron. vii. 14, and was perhaps originally inserted in the margin and thence crept into the text; it is not found in the Sam. Pent.-Rosen. Ver. 27. Au. Ver.-28 And he sent Judah before him unto Joseph, to direct his face unto Goshen ; and they came into the land of Goshen. Heb., to prepare, or to teach him, the way Pool. To direct his face unto Goshen; Goshen; i. e., to show him where it was, before his face, i. e., before his coming to and into what part of it he should come and settle himself; or to give notice unto Joseph of his approach, before his face or coming into Goshen. υἱοὶ δὲ Ἰωσὴφ οἱ γενόμενοι αὐτῷ ἐν γῇ Αἰγύπτῳ, ψυχαὶ ἐννέα. πᾶσαι ψυχαὶ οἴκου Ἰακὼβ αἱ εἰσελθοῦσαι μετὰ Ἰακὼβ εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ψυχαὶ ἑβδομηκονταπέντε. Au. Ver.-27 And the sons of Joseph, which were born him in Egypt, were two souls all the souls of the house of Jacob, which came into Egypt, were threescore and ten. : for to the land of Goshen he [so Sam., Syr., Vulg.] was coming. Gesen., To inform him before hand. Rosen. Ad monstrandum ante eum Goschenam, i. e., dirigendum et præparandum omnia. Pro ni cod. Sam. habet, quod et LXX. legisse videntur, qui habent σvvavτησaι avr@, ut obviam ei veniret. Ita Nesset pro, ut xlii. 4, 38; xlix. 1, et Infinitivus plene occurrit Jud. viii. 1. Nulla tamen mutatione est opus. Threescore and ten. The LXX. read seventy-five, on account of the addition they make in verse 20. St. Stephen (Acts vii. 14) follows the version of the LXX., Schum. Ut monstraret coram eo (Iosebecause he was disputing with the Hellenist pho) in Gosenitidem, i.e., ut Iosephum Jews who used that version.-Rosen. viam edoceret, in qua pater Ægyptum inIn Deut. x. 22, the LXX. agrees with gressus migret. Hoc fecit Iacob, ut eo the Hebrew text and reads seventy.-Schum. celerius posset Iosephum videre. Contra Summa totius familiæ Iacobi fuit septua- notionem, quam vulgo obtinet, trans R tulit Onk. locum ante se in Gosen. ut præpararet | being divided into three parts, the priests Gesenius aliique had one, their king a second, and the interpretantur ut indicaret (sc. adventum soldiers a third: and there were three other suum) ante se, in terram Gosen. ellipsi non opus est, si alterum Josephum refertur. Ver. 34. βδέλυγμα γάρ ἐστιν Αἰγυπτίοις πᾶς ποιμὴν προβάτων. Qua ranks of men under these, viz., shepherds, ad husbandmen, and artificers. The husbandmen, he saith, served their king, and priests, and military men, in tilling their ground, for small wages, and spent all their time in it. And the like account, he saith, is given of their shepherds, who, from their forefathers, followed that way of living. du. Ver.-45 That ye shall say, Thy Which makes it plain they could not aboservants' trade hath been about cattle from minate those who were so serviceable to our youth even until now, both we, and also them: though they might contemn them as our fathers that ye may dwell in the land mean people, who never rose to any higher of Goshen; for every shepherd is an abomi-employment. But we need not go to him nation unto the Egyptians. for the proof of this: it being apparent from tion they bred cattle as well as other nations. And therefore, if we will understand this to be true of all shepherds, without exception, then, by Egyptians (to whom shepherds are said to be an abomination), we must not Pool.-Every shepherd is an abomination this very book, that the Egyptians had unto the Egyptians; either, 1. Because they sheep and oxen, as well as horses and asses, did both kill and eat those creatures which which they sold to Joseph for corn in the the Egyptians abhorred. Or, 2. Because time of famine (xlvii. 17), and that Phaof the fresh remembrance of the horrid raoh spake to Joseph to make such of his cruelties lately committed there by the Pho- brethren as were men of skill rulers over nician shepherds, who, as some very ancient his flocks (xlvii. 6), which is a demonstrawriters affirm, were seated in Egypt in great numbers, and had arrived to great power, and waged a cruel war with other Egyptians, wherein they wasted divers cities, and burned their temples, and barbarously murdered a multitude of people. And therefore it is no understand all the people of the country of wonder if the calling of shepherds was grown out of use and credit among them. True it is, the Egyptians had some sheep, and other cattle, Gen. xlvii. 6, 17: Exod. viii. 26; ix. 3, which they kept for delight or profit by their milk, wool, &c., or for sale to others; but they did not use them, as other shepherds generally did, kill and eat them. And it is probable that they committed even the keeping of their sheep and cattle to those strangers which were dis- the same Diodorus saith, v. 58. That when persed among them, and looked upon the they buried a corpse, and made the funeral employment as too vile and mean for any encomium, they never mentioned the parentEgyptian. And though Pharaoh offered it age of the deceased; 'Yoλaμßávovtes to Joseph's brethren as a favour to be rulers ἅπαντας ὁμοίως εὐγενεῖς εἶναι τοὺς κατ ̓ Αἴγυπover his cattle, Gen. xlvii. 6, that might rov, "making account that all the people of proceed only from hence, because he saw Egypt were alike well-born.” Egypt (shepherds being a part of them), but only the courtiers and great men, as in xlv. 2, the Egyptians are said to hear Joseph weep, i. e., those that belonged to the court: who, it is likely, despised shepherds (as Rupertus Tuitiensis long ago expounded this passage); but that is far short of abominating them, which the Hebrew word imports. But after all this, I do not see how they could be contemptible, if it be true which them firmly resolved upon that course of We must confine therefore this assertion life, and therefore could not bestow any to foreign shepherds; and it is not easy higher preferment upon them. to give the reason why they were an abomi Bp. Patrick.-For every shepherd.] Not nation to the Egyptians, who were shepuniversally, without limitation, but every herds themselves. Onkelos and Jonathan, foreign shepherd. For a considerable part with a great many others, think that they of the Egyptian people were shepherds, as would not converse (for that is meant by Diodorus Siculus tells us (lib. i. §. 2, p. 47, abomination) with the Hebrew shepherds; edit. Steph.), where he saith, the country because they had no greater regard to those Our great primate Usher endeavours to avoid this absurdity, by placing this invasion (which he thinks was out of Arabia) three hundred years after the flood: when they took Memphis, overrun all the lower Egypt, and their first king there reigned nineteen years. But I have this to except; that Abraham, coming a good while after this into Egypt, was well entertained there; though he was as much a shepherd as his grandchild Jacob (see Gen. xii.). creatures which the Egyptians worshipped, | for this pastoral kingdom doth not agree with than to breed them up to be eaten. But the Scripture story. For it is said to have there is no good proof that they worshipped been in the one thousand one hundred and sheep or oxen in those days: and, on the twelfth year before the Israelites' going out of contrary, it appears both out of Herodotus, Egypt; in the fifteenth dynasty, as they call and Diodorus Siculus, that they sacrificed it; that is, about two and forty years after such creatures in those days, and also eat of the flood, when Mizraim the father of the the sacrifices when they had done (see Egyptians was scarce born, or was very young. Herodot. in Euterpe, cap. 40, 41). And therefore the reason given by others for this abhorrence is not solid; that the Egyptians did eat no flesh, and upon that score could not endure those that did. This is the account which Aben Ezra gives of this matter; who fancies they were like the Indians in his time, who abominated shepherds, because they drank milk; contrary to their manners, who tasted nothing that came from any living creature. But, as it cannot be proved that this superstition was so old as Jacob's time: so the contrary is evident from this very book (xliii. 16), where Joseph bids his steward go home and slay and make ready a dinner for his brethren whom he did not intend to entertain after the Hebrew but after the Egyptian fashion; that he might not be known by them. And so Herodotu informs us, that in his days, though they abstained from some animals, yet they eat of others, both fish and birds (Euterpe, cap. 78). And Diodorus, giving an account after what manner their kings lived, saith they used a simple diet, eating veal and geese, &c. (lib.i. §. 2, p. 45, edit. Steph.). Jos. Scaliger therefore thinks this sort of men From whence I conclude, that if this story of Manetho be true, it happened after the time of Abraham; and so was fresh in their memory. Such a third rebellion of the shepherds the same Manetho mentions, within less than two hundred years before the children of Israel's departure out of Egypt. But this seems to be a story, framed from that departure of the Israelites themselves (who were shepherds) out of Egypt under the conduct of Moses. And so Josephus and several of the ancient Christians (Tatianus, Justin Martyr, and Clem. Alexandrinus) understood it (see Usser. ad An. M. 2179). All this considered, Gaulmin (in his notes upon the book called the Life of Moses, p. 267, &c.) hath more probably conjectured, that this aversion to shepherds arose from their being generally addicted, in those parts, to robbery: which way of life made them abominable. This he justifies out of Heliodorus (lib. i.) and Achilles Tatius (lib. iii.), who describe the seat of these Bovkóλoi and Hoμéves (whom the Egyptians called Hysch), and the manner of their life. To which opinion I find Bochart himself inclined before he died, and confirms it (in were abominable, because they had often raised rebellion in Egypt, and made a king of their own; who erected that which is called the pastoral kingdom. This is embraced by many great men, who have only the authority of Manetho for it; who says, these were Phoenician shepherds (as Josephus tells us, lib. i. contra Appion.), who reigned in Egypt, burnt their cities, and threw down their temples; in short, omitted no sort of cruelties. Upon this account the famous Bochartus (lib. iv. Canaan, cap. 4), thinks it possible the Egyptians hated shepherds his Hierozoic., lib. ii. cap. 44, par. 1) by who had done so much mischief; and, I may many proofs, that shepherds anciently were add, the Hebrew shepherds Joseph might furax hominum genus, a thievish sort of think would be more abominated, because people; which made them odious. Against they came out of that very country, from which I see no exception but this; that whence those Phoenician rovers made their Aulus Gellius tells us (lib. xi. cap. 18), invasion. But as it doth not appear that out of an ancient lawyer, that the old they who did the forenamed mischief, were Egyptians held all manner of thefts to be all foreigners; so the time which is assigned lawful, and did not punish them. And |