body, (or as SPENSER, has somewhat unceremoniously called them, "the rascal many)," that, THE MOB, whether of Westminster, Southwark, or elsewhere, would be quite as little likely to discriminate, between a good and a bad Religion, as their betters, and that with the utter indifference, not to say the profound ignorance, which reigns upon the question of Religion, in any large and tumultuous assemblage of the people, in these times of apathy, a Roman Catholic Candidate, even in this Protestant country, would stand quite as good, if not a better, chance of success, than a Protestant himself. With these combined causes, then, in operation, who will venture to deny, the strong probability, that, before many years shall have passed over our heads, we may see a considerable proportion of the National Representatives, Roman Catholics? You will have advanced no nearer to your object, if you could even prove, that, for some time to come, the numerical majority of Members, will be Protestants, in their Religious profession; for, the balance, in favour of the Protestants, in point of numbers, will soon be more than counterbalanced, by the superior activity, intrigue, and vigilance, of the formidable minority of Roman Catholics, who will be opposed to them; the successful working of all which machinery, will afford the best encouragement to the Roman Catholics themselves, that they will not always be doomed to toil in a minority. Most of those persons, who are acquainted with the distinctive characters of the two Religions, will, naturally, anticipate, of our new Senators, that a hearty earnestness in their own cause, and an ardent zeal for the enlargement and enrichment of what they believe to be the only true Church on earth, will characterize their Parliamentary exertions, and be likely, eventually, to triumph over the inactivity, security, and apathy, of their Protestant colleagues. No one too, who is acquainted with the mighty and overwhelming influence of the Romish Hierarchy, over the consciences and affections of its Lay, as well as Spiritual, Members, can doubt the power of such a powerful principle of action, in reference to the unremitting efforts which will then be made, to rebuild the falling Temple of Popery, out of the old materials of the Protestant Church. I have, however, as yet adverted, but to one branch of the Legislature.-With regard to THE HOUSE OF LORDS, the Popish Peers, both in England and Ireland, will, of course, immediately take their seats; and when the Church of Englaud can at the present moment, only boast of a majority of THIRTY NINE Peers, against the late preposterous Emancipation Bill, of whom, TWENTY SIX were Bishops, (and therefore voted, as may be supposed, more or less professionally), leaving only a majority of THIRTEEN Lay Lords, opposed to the Romish Claims; what must we not expect, when a fresh accession of Temporal Peers shall be thrown in upon us, the whole of whom will be open, and avowed, Roman Catholics? I am even willing, for the sake of the argument, to suppose, that these new "legislative attornies," for the Church of Rome, (as SIR CHARLES WOLSELEY would call them), will not find their course entirely unobstructed, in either House of Parliament, and will not advance to their object, without considerable opposition, and (if you will), without a serious struggle; nay, in order to suppose the worst against my own argument, I will even for a moment imagine, that the Protestant Church and Cause, may come off conquerors at last, and that Popery will never obtain a final ascendancy in this land of Bible Societies, Orthodox Clergymen, and a Free Press-but, is it wise to provoke so much dissention and division, as your scheme proposes, when we have the choice of avoiding them? Is it politic, to necessitate by this gratuitous experiment, such a clashing of interests, and such a conflict of parties, with, perhaps, even an appeal to the sword itself, when we may just as easily resolve against perpetrating this act of Political suicide? Have we not, to use your own words, "the vantage ground of possession ?"—and can we not, to employ a more homely adage, "let well alone?" Whoever else may be benefited by our fool-hardi ness, I challenge you to prove, that we can be gainers by it, either as Protestants, as Churchmen, or as Britons? The martyrdoms of bloody Queen Mary, (for so I take leave to call her), were so far from injuring the true Church of Christ, that no true Protestant doubts they benefited it; but who would, on that account, desire to see a Popish Queen again on the Throne, in order that we may dislodge her by another Reformation; or a Popish King, because he may perchance be unshipped, (as JAMES 2nd, was), by another Revolution? Upon the modern scheme of liberality, all the bloodshed of one of these Reigns, and all the terror of the other, are to go for nothing; and such epochs of our History are to be stoically contemplated by Protestant Christians as not very terrible, because, forsooth, we have still so much Protestantism left, that whatever may be the temporary disadvantages of concession, we may still exercise our ancient prerogatives, and powers, by a fortunate resumption of them at some time or other, though it be not very clear when, or how-a theory not much unlike the fortuitous concourse of atoms, which is supposed by some Philosophers to have produced the world, or the felicitous restitution of all things, which is imagined by some Religionists as likely to set every thing to rights, in the long run. With regard to the highest branch of the Legislature—it becomes me to touch so delicate a subject with the tenderness and caution which belong to it—but it is one on which I cannot consent to be wholly silent. The sentiments of our late revered Monarch are well known, nor has it ever been disputed, that he protested with such firmness against what is called Catholic Emancipation, as to declare that his single Vote should prevent it.-Assuming that similar sentiments are likely to actuate any succeeding Monarch, who owes his throne to the influence of Protestant Principles, and its stability to their conservation-who feels the obligation of his Coronation Oath-and remembers his covenant with his people-would it be decent or patriotic to propose a measure for the Royal assent, which could only be viewed as a compro mise with sentiments directly opposed to the first elements of the Constitution, and as involving a dereliction of those principles from which the line of Hanover dates its original exaltation, and to which it owes its subsequent glories? Assuming still, that such would be the feelings with which a proposal of this kind must be contemplated, how painful, beyond the power of expression, would it be to the Monarch of our united Empire to be found, for the first time, affixing his Veto to a measure, which the other branches of the Legislature should have previously sanctioned with their approbation, as probably not acting under the peculiar bond and guarantee of those official and personal obligations which the Constitution has imposed upon THE MONARCH in reference to this particular question— I ask, whether any real lover of his King, or his country, would desire to witness the First authority in a Protestant state, contending with an alternative of this description; or wish to expose that authority to the afflicting consequences which might ensue from his conscientious refusal. The nature of the subject must prevent enlargement upon those consequences-you will indeed, yourself, be as ready to admit them as any one: but the way in which you will attempt to escape from such a difficulty, will be to contend, that such a thing as a refusal cannot reasonably be anticipated; you will, no doubt, assert, as you have virtually done already, that the measure of Emancipation is one of such unequivocal and unmixed good, that no single doubt should be entertained upon it, in the highest, any more than in the lowest, quarterand that, therefore, every fear of future consequences may be confidently committed to the winds. You will, doubtless, expect that any existing Monarch should be as easily. satisfied as yourself, that only the highest advantages can follow the concessions; and, consequently, that there can be no pretence, on his part, for opposing the universal flow of milk and honey which is to irrigate the whole land, so soon as this hopeful accession of Popish Legislators, Privy Counsellors, Judges, Magistrates, and Jurymen, shall have taken place. Not being myself able to climb to such a dazzling elevation as the Pisgah from which you have beheld the enchanting prospects in store for us, I must be permitted to remain content with the humble enjoyment of present happiness, in the fertile vale of England's Protestant privileges; and while, I trust, that no British Sovereign will ever be persuaded to encounter the desperate risk to which you invite him, I would go farther, and spare him the odium of refusing what a multitude of wicked men, emboldened by your ingenious reasonings, will not fail to represent as the greatest boon which subjects could ask, or a King concede. In illustration of a part of my last Letter, I would add, that the English Roman Catholic Peers are Eight in number, the Irish, Nine,-and the Scotch, Two. The English Roman Catholic Peers are understood to be The Earl of Shrewsbury. Baron Stourton. Petre. -Arundel. -Dormer. -Clifford, [of Chudleigh.] The Irish Romish Catholic Peers are understood to be The Earl of Fingal. Waterford and Wexford.* * This Title is at present united in the Earl of Shrewsbury. |