we

manners of the dissipation of this reign contri

of the court by his degenerate example. BOOK I.

buted to harass the nation, particularly as they CHAP. I. led to arbitrary measures. Personal liberty became insecure by means of sudden arrests, under the authority of lettres de cachet; religious opinions were subject to grievous persecutions; and the people were irritated by an odious tax, called in that country Gabelle. The spirit of resistance was occasionally displayed, but immediately subdued, not having sufficient strength at that time to render it efficacious. The parliament opposed the king's proceedings, for which the members were, at length, severally arrested, and a new tribunal was created in the room of the exiled parliament, composed of men entirely devoted to the court. Not the monarch only became the object of reproach and execration at the time, but even the monarchy itself, though the French nation had been for ages attached to this form of government. The king, at length, fell a martyr to his debaucheries, and he was interred without pomp or ceremony. Under these unpleasant circumstances Louis XVI. succeeded his grandfather, when only twenty years of age. While dauphin, he had conducted himself with such propriety, that the French fondly expected their new sovereign would terminate all their grievances. The young monarch, immediately on his accession, selected for his prime minister and adviser the Count de Maurepas, who had been thirty years in exile. Desirous of recommending himself to the favor of his subjects, he dismissed those who were obnoxious to the people, and restored their ancient parliaments. The first meeting of this assembly took place amid unbounded

and sanguinary war between Europe and France, we shall briefly enumerate those events which rendered monarchy disgusting to the French nation. That despotism, by which the Gallic race had been for ages oppressed, and for which the unfortunate Louis XVI. suffered, may be justly said to originate with the reign of Charles VII. The victories of this monarch rendered him acceptable to the people; but, availing himself of that popularity, he became absolute, and was the first king of France who, by his own royal edicts, and without the concurrence of the States-general of the kingdom, levied subsidies whenever he thought proper. Then "the will of the king is the will of the law," was the doctrine held out by the French lawyers, and by the corrupt sentiments of a sycophantic tribe, this maxim was established. During the reign of his successor, Louis XI. these innovations were reduced to a regular system, and tyranny became formidable. The ministry of Richelieu considered the crown of France independent both of the nobles and the people, and a series of enormous taxes were imposed by his successor, Mazarine. The reign of Louis XIV. though remarkable for grandeur, was equally so for oppression: the revenue was expended for useless pageantry, while the happiness of the people was totally neglected. During the minority of Louis XV. the government devolved upon ignorant agents, who adopted temporary expedients for the removal of present embarrassments, without making any provision for future exigencies. The monarch, after he had attained manhood, assisted in corrupting the

1.

mbl

1776.

BOOK I. acclamations. As the new monarch was of a disposition pacific and unambitious, his speech, CHAP. I. and the recal of parliament, must, from its imperious style, be considered not his own, but that of advisers, who, probably, found that condescension would be attended with danger. In this speech he told the parliament "that he was determined to preserve his authority in all its plenitude; that the king, his grandfather, was compelled, by their resistance to his repeated commands, to adopt such measures as his wisdom suggested; and that, as he had thought proper to recal them to the exercise of those functions which they ought never to have quitted, he desired them to learn to prize his favors, and never to lose the remembrance of their extent." A royal ordonnance was then read, containing the various limitations by which the monarch thought proper to restrain the authority of that assembly; and he concluded with a promise of his royal protection and countenance, as long as they conformed to what he had prescribed.

In the year 1770 (four years before he came to the throne), Louis XVI. had married Maria Antoinette, daughter of Maria Theresa, and sister to Joseph II. emperor of Germany. While some describe her as a woman of high spirit, busy, bold, and blind to consequence, others paint her as a princess of great dignity of mind, and of an excellent capacity. The views of the minister, M. de Maurepas, who wished to preserve his own, and the public repose, were assiduously directed to the extension of commerce, and the reestablishment of the French marine. Turgot was soon after placed at the head of the finances, and exhibited so much probity, and strict economy, as rendered his administration truly laudable. The king expressed the highest approbation of his conduct, in a letter, dated April 15, 1776, which rendered the dismission of this able minister the more remarkable; but it was solicited, and obtained by the queen, to whose entreaties not only in this, but in other instances, the king too readily acceded. Others ascribe his dismission to the bigotry and selfishness of the clergy and nobles, who oppressed the people by severe actions of tythes and services, whilst they themselves refused to contribute towards the burdens of the state. The abolition of these immunities, and a general toleration, had been recommended to the king by M. Turgot, a measure which was even countenanced by his brotherin-law, Joseph II.; but he was deterred from following this salutary counsel.

The administration of finances was next confided to M. Clugny, who, during the short space of six months, in which he remained in office, exhibited proofs of the most flagrant corruption and profusion. On his death M. Tabourcau succeeded; but he was quickly superseded by M. Necker, a

Genevan protestant, who undoubtedly possessed, in many respects, great merit, though far inferior to his illustrious predecessor, M. Turgot.

When the unhappy contest took place between Great Britain and her colonies, France, though already involved in debts and difficulties, gave her assistance to America, and the French and American forces acted in conjunction for nearly six years. The expences of the civil, military, and naval establishments, and the extravagance which had so long pervaded all the departments of the French government, exceeded the ability of M. Necker to counteract. He had entertained the romantic, but benevolent idea, of defraying the expences of war without imposing on the people new taxes. He had raised loans on the annual savings obtained by a reduction of the public expenditure; but that reduction not being real, the revenue continued to be forestalled from year to year, and the ruin of the Caisse d'Escompte was the consequence of its reliance on paper transactions with the government. The plan of this celebrated financier being impracticable, the addition of debt contracted during the war was of serious magnitude; and, at the era of the peace, M. Necker was removed from his office (May, 1781) through the machinations of M. Maurepas, a few months previous to the decease of that minister.

After a short interval, in which M. Pleury and M. d'Ormesson filled, in succession, that difficult station, M. Calonne was appointed, November 1783. This man, notwithstanding his great talents, was so immersed in dissipation and intrigue, that he was neither capable nor desirous of reforming the abuses of government. His projects proved unsuccessful and abortive. In the latter end of the year 1785, a loan of 3,330,0007. being the acknowledged deficit of the current year, was negotiated, which the parliament of Paris, after repeated remonstrances, at last registered, in obedience to the king's positive commands: at the same time accompanying it with a resolution, importing "that the public economy was the only genuine source of revenue; and that the means of providing for the necessities of the state, and of restoring that credit which borrowing had reduced to the brink of ruin." The minister, perceiving the impossibility of obtaining the concurrence of parliament to the measures he had in contemplation, had recourse to the practice of former reigns, and solicited the monarch to convene an assembly of the most considerable and enlightened persons in the kingdom, under the denomination of Notables, by whose influence he might be able to effect a reformation. The king readily acceded, and summonses were issued for the meeting at Versailles. This convention, consisting of 144 persons, among whom were seven princes of the blood, nine dukes and peers of France, eight field-mareschals, eight counsellors

of state, and eleven bishops and archbishops, accordingly took place February 22, 1787, and was opened in great state by the king in person. The royal speech was followed by a long and elaborate harangue from M. de Calonne, who ascribed the pecuniary embarrassments of the state to the administration of M. Necker. There is no doubt but the patriotic professions of the king and his minister were, at this time, sincere; but notwithstanding the admirable adroitness of the latter, the notables displayed a refractory disposition, and contributed in no degree towards removing the national difficulties. The public clamor rising high against M. de Calonne, whom it was now the fashion to style a profligate and extravagant minister, he was exiled by the king to his estate at Lorraine; and so great the inveterate rage and odium of his enemies, that he soon after found it expedient to take refuge in foreign parts. He was succeeded, after a short interval, by M. Lomenie de Brienne, archbishop of Toulouse, a leading member of the assembly of notables, and of great popularity for his patriotism. On the 25th of May, 1787, the assembly of notables was dissolved. Unfortunately, the patriotism of the archbishop of Toulouse, on his elevation to the post of minister, seemed to vanish; and, consequently, losing the confidence of the people, he deprived himself of the power of being serviceable to the king. Recourse was again had to the parliaments of Paris; and, on the 12th of June, an edict was sent to the body for enregistry, imposing a heavy duty on stamps. The parliament demanded the communication of such documents as should enable them to judge of the necessity of introducing new taxes. The refusal of this demand produced a refusal on their parts to enregister the edict. This stamp act was pronounced more dangerous than even the exploded Gabelle. The king, reserving to a future day the declaration of his intentions respecting the stamptax, transmitted to them a new edict of far greater importance, for commuting the existing vingtièmes into a regular and equal land-tax; but, as the danger became more imminent, the parliament became more intrepid, and the states-general were loudly called for.

A royal message was suddenly delivered, announcing the intention of the king to hold a bed of justice. The parliament immediately re-assembled, and several resolutions passed, expressive of their determined resistance. The bed of justice, a very unpopular measure, and seldom resorted to in the most despotic times, was however held, August 6, 1787; and, in spite of the resolutions, which were read by the president, the edicts were forcibly enregistered. The parliament, though defeated, was not subdued; for, on the following day, the members entered a formal protest against the proceedings, declaring the edicts null and void; and

that he who should presume to carry them into BOOK I. execution, should be adjudged a traitor, and condemned to the gallies.

So great were the apprehensions of government at this time, that great numbers of the military were assembled at Paris, and the members of the courts of justice were obliged to pass to their sittings through armed ranks of soldiers with bayonets fixed. August 13, 1787, lettres de cachet were issued against the parliament of Paris, transferring their sittings to Troyes, in Champagne, 100 miles from the capital. Previous to their exile they drew up an animated remonstrance, and almost all the public bodies in the kingdom joined in boldly petitioning the throne for the recall of that assembly and the convocation of the statesgeneral. The parliament of Grenoble declared "the rights of property to be equally sacred and secured by the same laws as the right of the king to the throne;" and the parliament of Besançon, in reprobating the emission of the lettres de cachet, scrupled not to say, "that the Parisian magistrates should not have obeyed them."

The minister, alarmed at his critical situation, advised the king to recall the parliament and suspend the execution of the obnoxious edicts. On the 19th of September, letters of revocation were accordingly issued, and the parliament was permitted to resume its functions. Discontents however prevailed; the treasury was exhausted; and though several economical regulations had taken place in the royal household, still the public expenditure required an extraordinary supply. The plan proposed by the minister was that of a series of loans, amounting in the aggregate to about eighteen millions sterling, for five successive years, at the end of which time he engaged the honor of the sovereign that the states-general should be convoked. This proposal was treated with scorn, as the promised convocation could at that time be of no utility. It was therefore resolved to hold a séance royale, that the matter should be debated in the presence of the king previous to the enregistry. Notwithstanding the presence of the sovereign, the debates were, on the 14th of November, conducted not only with freedom but with violence. The discussion continued for nine hours, when his majesty suddenly arose and commanded the edicts to be immediately registered. This was unexpectedly opposed by the Duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood; who, conceiving the royal mandate an infringement of the rights of parliament, protested against the whole proceedings of the day as being thereby null and void. The king repeated his orders, and quitting the assembly in anger departed for Versailles. The duke, on the king's departure, formally recorded his dis

CHAP. I.

1787.

BOOK I. sent, and the parliament passed a resolution CHAP. I. that had then taken place. On the following day abjuring every sort of concern in the enregistry

1788.

the Duke of Orleans received a letter command

ing him to retire to his chateau in the country, accompanied by only his family. The members, Sahatiere and M. Futeau, who had distinguished themselves in the debate, were, under the authority of lettres de cachet, sent to different prisons; and, by express command of the king, the resolution of parliament was erased from their records.

A remonstrance against these violent proceed ings was presented to the king from the parliament, who expressed their astonishment and concern that a prince of the blood was exiled, and two of their members imprisoned for having, at a time when his majesty said he came to take the sense of the assembly, declared what their duty and consciences dictated. The king, in his answer to this remonstrance, forbade them to publish any further deliberations on the subject.

In order to supersede the existing parliaments, the minister had recourse to another wild project. A supreme court, by the name of Cour Pleniére, was to be established, consisting of members to be nominated by the king, and to be vested with the power of enregistering the royal vested with the power of enregistering the royal edicts. This dernier resort excited the indig nation of the public. The parliament called loudly for the states-general to be assembled; and this appeal to the paramount authority rendered the parliament the idol of the people. The court still prosecuted its nefarious designs, and orders were issued for arresting Messrs. D'Espremenil and Monsambert, two celebrated counsellors and patriotic members of the parliament. A party of the military, surrounding the seat of justice at midnight, demanded the immediate surrender of the two magistrates. This act of despotism occasioned the following animated address from the parliament to the king, delivered May 7, 1788.

"Sire,

"Your Parliament is confirmed, by every proceeding, of the entire innovation which is aimed at in the system of monarchy. At the moment even when your Parliament were offering their suspicions and remonstrances at the foot of the throne, an act of absolute authority is exercised in your name against two magistrates, whose conduct is irreproachable, and who should rather deserve your Majesty's protection for their support of the rights of monarchy. At the time that the deputies of Parliament were soliciting an audience at the foot of the throne, which public circumstances seemed to require, the seat of sovereign justice was invested by a body of armed people, who committed acts of violence in the middle of the night, and at the time your Parliament were sitting.

"Your Majesty has been advised not to receive the deputation of your Parliament, because you had

not been made acquainted with their coming by a indicate the changes in the constitution which the special message. The efforts that have been made to conceal truth from your knowledge, but too plainly 1771, and which they flatter themselves to attain by a enemies of magistracy have endeavoured to effect since specious plausibility. Your Majesty, in summoning your Parliament to the throne, was about to conciliate the love of your people by a measure so conformable to ancient practice. But, Sire, the French nation will never adopt the despotic measures to which you are advised, and whose effects alarm the most faithful of your magistrates. We shall not repeat all the unfortunate circumstances which afflict us; we shall only represent to you, with respectful firmness, that the fundamental laws of the kingdom must not be esteemed so long as it is tempered with justice. be trampled on, and that your authority can only It is the interest of the nation which has determined each and every member not to take any part, either as a body or as individuals, in any functions which may be the consequences of new regulations; nor will they assist in any measures which are not the unanimous resolutions of Parliament, endued with all its privileges. Such is the nature of the French monarchy; and we beseech your Majesty not to suffer apparent or momentary advantages to divert your attention, as they only produce unhappy consequences. This objection is of such importance to the public tranquillity, that the consideration of it absorbs every other sentiment, and scarcely leaves us power to beseech your justice in favor of the two magistrates who have been recently torn from us, attended by circumstances which we dare not describe. Your Majesty will sooner or later discover the justice of our representations; and, in whatever situation your parliament may find it elf, it will feel the pleasing and conscious satisfaction of having used its best endeavours for the service of the King and the nation."

On the same day the king had addressed the assembly of notables in these words:

"It is now twelve months past, that my Parliament of Paris has continued to commit the greatest excesses. Its members have not only endeavoured to place themselves on a level with my authority, but they have even dared to assert, that no act had force if not enregistered. They have declared that they were not obliged to do it, although the nation suffered by their refusal. The provincial parliaments have followed their example in their pretensions and undertakings. The consequences have been, that the most necessary laws have not been executed,—that all the most useful operations of government have been stopped, and that public credit is diminished, justice has been suspended, and in short, that the national tranquillity is overthrown. The suppression of those excesses is what I owe to my subjects, to myself, and to my successors. I might have punished them, but I rather choose to prevent their effects. I have been obliged to punish a few of the magistrates; but, though it was indispensable, I have done it with reluctance. I will not then annihilate my parliament; but I will bring them back to their duty, and the limits of their institution. I mean to avail myself of converting this momentary tempest to a salutary