this high and solemn mandate will not be entirely disregarded, and the requirement of the General Assembly altogether useless. The obligation that a Senator is under to his own State, and the duty he owes, are of too sacred a character to be dispensed with. Disobedience by a Senator to the instructions and requirements of his State as expressed by her Legislature, is a deep and festering wound in the vital principles of our institutions, which if not speedily cured, will soon assume a fatal ulcer. It is, in the first place, a total abrogation of the doctrine that the Legislative Body is the true representation of State sovereignty. And it gives to the Senator, for the time. being, all the attributes of despotism, the full and free exercise of his own will and authority, without accountability. But, Sir, could any one for a moment entertain such doctrine, and deny to the Legislature the right of instructing Senators of their States? yet in this case the resolutions offered have another and different support, little inferior to the Legislative Body itself, and probably more conclusive to the real sentiment of the people on this important subject. The Convention which met at Columbus, on the eighth of January last, composed of about five hundred members, representing upward of sixty counties, being nearly the whole number in the State, by a unanimous vote, passed a resolution in the following words:

"Resolved, That we regard the right of instruction as the sheet anchor, the main pillar of our freedom, and that we are determined never to surrender it, but to the last to stand by it. Convinced as we thoroughly are, that it is only by the frequent and rigid exercise of this invaluable. privilege, that the Democratic character of this Government can be preserved, we believe the agent who disobeys to be unworthy the confidence of his constituents, and that he ought to resign his seat.

"It is true, this Convention was composed of men friendly

to the present Administration; and as a doubt no longer exists, that a majority of the people of Ohio are of the same opinion, the Convention thus re-affirming the principles of the resolutions passed by the General Assembly, must satisfy every man, that Ohio requires her Senators to vote as instructed by the Legislature. But, Sir, this is not all; we had another Convention, a grand Whig Convention, held on the 22d of February last, and they claim that a number of returning prodigals had come into their ranks, and the great ox, instead of the fatted calf, was killed; and they had much rejoicing; and it is hardly necessary to say, that opposition to the Administration was their watchword; and while they boast of having far outnumbered the former Convention, they did not open their lips on the subject of the resolutions of instruction, passed by the General Assembly. In the pride of their strength, they were endeavoring to catch the popular gale, and well knew that opposition to those resolutions would prove their overthrow. I have before me, a paper containing an account of their proceedings, and I find no resolution pro or con on the subject of instruction to Senators here. This silence is evidence of approval by our political opponents in Ohio, or that they well knew that the people of that State strongly disapproved of the condemnatory resolution passed by this Senate. This exciting subject had occupied public attention. Almost every man in Ohio had thought and conversed on the question, and the Whig Convention, no doubt, would have used it to their advantage, if in their power.

Under this highly responsible situation, we are called to act and vote; and the great question is, shall we do our own will, or the will of that sovereign power who sent us here? It is a hopeless warfare to be contending against our States; it is a kind of moral treason, for which, sooner or later, we must expect to suffer the penalty. It is wisdom then, for us to make our submission at

once; and when we are called to vote on the resolutions offered by the Senator from Missouri, that we vote in their favor. I have now strong hopes that Ohio will be united in her vote here, on this important question. Her Senators appear to pay the highest respect to the resolutions. of her Legislature. I hope the one I now offer will not form an exception to our general conduct. Can we refuse our obedience on the ground that this resolution requires an unconstitutional act? We ought to pause before we make this excuse, and well distrust the correctness of our own opinion, when it comes in contact with the opinion of our State, repeatedly, and I may add almost, if not entirely unanimously expressed, not only of our own State, but of twelve States; while not a single State has expressed a contrary opinion. It is the opinion of the State, and not the individual agent, that ought to be known and felt here. If the agent is unable, from conscientious motives, to express that opinion, his path of duty is plain before him.

These extracts not only give the views of Mr. Morris on the various subjects discussed, and his ability to comprehend and express them in a clear manner, but also show that, as a public Servant, he was faithful to all the interests which he believed were connected with the prosperity and welfare of Ohio, and the Nation.

CHAPTER XXVII.

His Private Life and Personal Characteristics - Liberality to Poor and Honest Young Men-Thomas L. Hamer-His Life and Character-Mr. Morris's Son pronounces his Eulogy in Congress-An interesting factHis Sense of Justice and Tenderness-Lines on the Death of a Granddaughter-His Dislike to Idler's-Advice to his Youngest Son, on Leaving Home for College-The Editor's Reminiscences-His Religious Faith-The Moral Significance of his life.

THE private life of Thomas Morris, deserves a brief record. In this sphere, where the true nobleness of man is developed, there is an honorable correspondence with the principles that governed him, in his public career and character. Selfishness was not the ruling element of his private, as it was not of his public life. He felt that no one ought to live, without exerting a good and active influence on his fellow-men, and doing his part in the work of humanity and benevolence. In his own way he did his. He was a friend to the poor and oppressed, and no honest person, in want, ever went from his door, without receiving practical sympathy and aid.

His liberality was unbounded and disinterested, toward poor and honest young men, struggling for honorable advancement in life; and he had a pleasurable pride, in witnessing their success in life. Few men, perhaps, were more ready or were, under similar circumstances, more liberal in means and sympathy, to encourage and bring forward men, in the walks of public life, than was Mr. Morris. His influence lives in those who have been, and now are, prominent and influential, in the civil and

political history of the country. They have risen to distinction, filled with ability high offices under the Government of Ohio, and of the nation, and gratefully acknowledged their obligations to Mr. Morris for his sympathy and aid.

One such, now sleeps in an honored grave. He rose from obscurity and poverty, to great prominence and influence in the civil and military history of Ohio and his country. In early life, as a young adventurer, he went forth from an humble home, to seek fortune and fame, in the wide world. Friendless, without means, and with only a good common education, he found his way to the village and home of Mr. Morris. He was received into his family, and enjoyed his patronage. Engaging, in the honorable and useful business of a teacher, this young man, pursued it for three years; enjoying during this time, the law Library and Counsels of Mr. Morris, in the bosom of whose family he had found a home. In 1821, he was admitted to the legal profession, and soon rose to eminence in his profession. His popularity and abilities soon placed him in the Legislative Halls of his adopted State, over which he presided as Speaker of the House. In 1832, he was elected to represent his District in Congress, to which position he was selected for six consecutive years, when he declined a re-nomination. In 1845, when the war between Mexico and the United States began, he volunteered as a private soldier, was elected Major General of the first Ohio Regiment, and afterward was appointed by President Polk, a Brigadier General in the army. His field of military glory, became his grave. On the 2d of December, 1846, before the city of Monterey, in Mexico, he died with fever. In October, 1846, two months previous to his death, his old District in Ohio, re-elected him to Congress. In 1847, Jonathan D., eldest son of Thomas Morris, was, without opposition, elected to fill the seat in Congress vacated by his death. On the 23d