power perished in the Partition of Poland; and nations have, since that example, looked even in peace on their neighbours as conspirators secretly plotting their destruction. The system of Partition has been continued down to the present moment, by its original authors. It has been copied by their enemies; and the very powers who dismembered Poland are now the allies of England, and the masters of every part of the Continent, except France and Spain.

The succession to the Crown of Poland appears, in ancient times, to have been governed by that rude combination of inheritance and election which originally prevailed in most European monarchies, where there was a general inclination to respect hereditary claims, and even the occasional elections were confined to the members of the reigning family. Had not the male heirs of the House of Jagellon been extinct, or had the rule of female succession been introduced, it is probable that the Polish monarchy would have become strictly hereditary. The inconveniences of elective monarchy chiefly arose in Poland from the admission of powerful foreign princes as candidates for the Crown. That form of government proved rather injurious to the independence, than to the internal peace of the country. More than a century, indeed, elapsed before the mischief was felt. In spite of the ascendant acquired by Sweden in the affairs of the North, Poland still maintained a high rank; and her last great exertion, when John Sobieski drove the Turkish barbarians from the gates of Vienna (in 1683), was worthy of her ancient character as the guardian of Christendom. The death of the great Sobieski (1696) first showed, that the admission of powerful foreign candidates for the Crown might lead to the introduction of foreign influence, and even foreign arms, into the kingdom. The contest which then occurred between the Prince of Conti and Augustus Elector of Saxony, seemed only to prolong the interregnum beyond its usual term; but it was decided in favour of the latter Prince, by his Saxon army and by Russian influence. Charles XII. attacked by a formidable confederacy in his extreme youth, and having, in his eighteenth year, compelled Denmark to submit, and defeated a great Russian army, turned his victorious arms against Poland, entered Warsaw in triumph before he had reached the age of twenty, deposed the Elector of Saxony as a usurper, raised to the royal dignity by foreign force, and obliged that Prince, by express treaty, to renounce his pretensions to the Crown. He was doubtless impelled to these measures by the insolence of a youthful conqueror, and by resentment against the Elector; but he was also influenced by those rude conceptions of justice, sometimes degenerating into cruelty, which were blended with his irregular ambition. He had the generosity, however, to spare the territory of the republic, and the good sense to propose the son of the great Sobieski to fill the vacant throne; a proposal which, had it been successful, might have banished foreign factions, by gradually conferring on a Polish family an hereditary claim to the Crown. But the Saxons, foreseing such a measure, carried away young Sobieski a prisoner. Charles lestowed the Crown on Stanislaus Leczinski, a Polish gentleman of worth ard talent, but destitute of the genius and boldness which the public dangers required; and the King of Sweden, who thus set the example of a secord King enthroned by a foreign army, struck another blow at the independence of Poland. The treaty of Alt-Ranstadt was soon after annulled by the battle of Pultowa; and Augustus renewed the pretensions which he had solemnly renounced, and returned triumphantly to Warsaw. The acendant of the Czar was

for a moment suspended by the treaty of Pruth (in 1711), where the Turks compelled Peter to swear that he would withdraw his troops from Poland, and never interfere in the internal affairs of that republic. As soon, however, as the Porte were engaged in a warwith Austria, the Czar marched an army into Poland (in 1717), and exhibited the first example of a compromise between the King and the Diet, under the mediation of a Russian ambassador, and surrounded by Russian troops.

The death of Augustus (in 1733) had nearly occasioned a general war throughout Europe. The interest of Stanislaus, the deposed King, was espoused by France, partly perhaps because Louis XV. had married his daughter, but chiefly because the cause of the new Elector of Saxony, who was his competitor, was supported by Austria, the ally of England, and by Russia, which was then closely connected with Austria. The Court of Petersburgh then set up the fatal pretext of a guarantee of the Polish constitution, founded on the transactions of 1717. A guarantee of the territories and rights of one independent State against others, is perfectly compatible with justice. But a guarantee of the institutions of a people against themselves, is but another name for dependence on the foreign power which enforces it. In pursuance of this pretended guarantee, the country was invaded by sixty thousand Russians, who ravaged with fire and sword every district which opposed their progress; and, being unable to reach the regular place of election by the last day which the law allowed, compelled a handful of gentlemen, some of them in chains, whom they brought together in a forest near Warsaw, to elect Augustus the Third.

Henceforward Russia treated Poland as a vassal State. The nation indeed disappeared from the European system; she was the subject of wars and negociations, but no longer a party engaged in them. Under Augustus III., she was almost as much without government at home, as without influence abroad. For thirty years she slumbered in a state of pacific anarchy, which is almost without example in history. The Diets of the republic were regularly assembled, conformably to the laws; but every one of these assemblies, during the whole of that long period, was dissolved, without adopting a single measure of legislation or government. This extraordinary suspension of public authority arose from the privilege which each nuncio possessed, of stopping any public measure, by declaring his dissent from it, known throughout Europe as the Liberum Veto-expressed in Polish by the words "Nie poswalam,"-" I cannot consent. To give a satisfactory account of the origin and progress of this anomalous privilege would probably require more industrious and critical research than were applied to the subject when Polish antiquaries and lawyers existed.* Generally speaking, the absolute negative enjoyed by every member of the Polish Diet seems to have arisen from the principle, that the Nuncios were not representatives, but ministers; that their power of acting was limited by the imperative instructions of the provinces; that the constitution was rather a confederacy than a commonwealth; and the Diet not so much a deliberative assembly, as a meeting of delegates, whose whole duty consisted in declaring the determination of their respective constituents. Of such a state of things unanimity seemed the natural consequence. But as the sovereign power was really vested in the gentry, they were authorized,

* We have sought in vain for a legal and constitutional account of these singular usages. The information on this subject in Lengnich Jus Publicum Polonia is so vague and unsatisfactory, that, after having taken some trouble to procure it, we abstain from troubling our readers with it.

by the laws of the republic, to interfere in public affairs in a manner most inconvenient and hazardous, though rendered in some measure necessary by the unreasonable institution of unanimity. This interference was effected by that species of legal insurrection called a Confederation, in which any number of gentlemen subscribing the Alliance bound themselves to pursue, by force of arms, its avowed object, either of defending the country, or preserving the laws, or maintaining the privileges of any class of citizens. It was equally lawful for another body of noblemen to associate themselves against the former. The war between them was legitimate. Neither party were treated as rebels, for both were composed of members of the sovereign class, or rather, both were composed of a number of separate sovereigns, whose ordinary union was so loose and frail, that it seemed scarcely a departure from its principle to adopt, for a time, a closer alliance with a chosen party of their fellow-nobles. In these Confederations, the sovereign power released itself from the restraint of unanimity; and in order to obtain that liberty, the Diet sometimes resolved itself into a Federation; in which case, they lost little by being obliged to rely on the zeal of voluntary adherents, more than on the legal obedience of citizens. This last expedient, of converting the ordinary into a Confederate Diet, is perhaps the most singular example in history of a Legislative Assembly assuming the form of a party in civil war, in order to escape from the restraints of an inconvenient law.

On the death of Augustus III., it pleased the Empress Catharine II. to appoint Stanislaus Poniatowski, one of her discarded lovers, to the vacant throne; a man who possessed many of the qualities and accomplishments which are attractive in private life; but who, when he was exposed to the tests of elevated station and public danger, proved to be utterly void of all dignity and energy. Several circumstances in the state of Europe enabled Catharine to bestow the Crown on Poniatowski, without resistance from foreign powers. France was unwilling to expose herself so early to the hazard of a new war. She was restrained by her recent alliance with Austria; and the unexpected death of the Elector of Saxony deprived the Courts of Versailles and Vienna of the competitor whom they could support with most hope of success against the influence of the Czarina. Frederic II., abandoned, or (as he himself with reason thought) betrayed by England,* found himself, at the general peace, without an ally, exposed to the deserved resentment of Austria, and no longer with any hope of aid from France, which had become the friend of his natural enemy. In this situation, he thought it necessary to court the friendship of Catharine; and in the beginning of the year 1764 concluded a defensive alliance with her, of which the stipulations with respect to Poland were, that they were to oppose every attempt either to make that Crown hereditary, or to strengthen the Royal powers; that they were to unite in securing the election of Stanislaus Poniatowski; and that they were to protect the Dissidents of the Greek and Protestant Communions, who, since the year 1717, had been deprived of that equal admissibility to public office which was bestowed on them by the liberality of the ancient laws. The former part of these stipulations was intended to perpetuate the confusions of Poland, and to ensure her dependence on her neighbours; the latter afforded a specious pretext for constant inter

* Mem. de 1763 à 1775, Introduction. Frederic charges the new Administration of Geo. III not only with breach of treaty in making peace without him, but with secretly offering to regain Silesia for Maria Theresa, and with labouring to embroil Peter III. with Prussia.

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ference, and secured the support of a party whom the injustice of their own Government threw into the arms of foreign powers. Catharine, in a Declaration delivered at Warsaw, asserted, that she did nothing but in virtue of the right of vicinage, acknowledged by all nations; and on another occasion she observed, "that justice and humanity were the sole rules of her conduct; and that her virtues alone had placed her on the throne." It is proper to add, that all the powerful neighbours of Poland then made declarations, which, when considered in contrast with their subsequent conduct, are sufficient to teach mankind how far they may trust to the sincerity, faith, and honour of absolute monarchs. On the 24th of January, 1764, Frederic declared, that "he should constantly labour to defend the States of the Republic in their integrity" On the 16th of March, in the same year, Maria Theresa, a sovereign celebrated for piety and justice, assured the Polish Government of "her resolution to maintain the Republic in all her rights, prerogatives, and possessions." On the 23d of May, even Catharine herself, when Poland, for the first time, acknowledged her title of Empress of all the Russias, granted to the Republic A SOLEMN GUARANTEE OF ALL HER POSSESSIONS." Though the Poles were abandoned by their allies, and distracted by divisions, they made a gallant stand against the appointment of the discarded lover of a foreign princess to be their King. One party, at the head of which was the illustrious House of Czartorinski, by supporting the influence of Russia, and the election of Stanislaus, hoped to obtain the power of reforming the constitution, of abolishing the veto, and giving due strength to the Crown. The other, more generous, though less enlightened, spurned at foreign interference, and made the most vigorous efforts to assert independence, but were unhappily averse to reforms of the constitution, wedded to ancient abuses, and resolutely determined to exclude their fellow-citizens of different religions from equal privileges. The leaders of the latter party were the great General Branicki, a veteran of Roman dignity and intrepidity, and Prince Radzivil, a youth of almost regal revenue and dignity, who, by a singular combination of valour and generosity, with violence and wildness, exhibited a striking picture of a Sarmatian grandee. The events which passed in the interregnum, as they are related by Rulhieres, form one of the most interesting parts of modern history. The variety of character, the elevation of mind, and the vigour of talent exhibited in the fatal struggle which then began, afford a memorable proof of the superiority of the worst aristocracy over the best administered absolute monarchy. In the contest among many masters of slaves, they check or excite each other, genius and valour are called forth, and many qualities are formed, which approach to great virtues. But where there is only one master of slaves, he is neither animated by competitors, nor controlled by submission. The most turbulent aristocracy, with all its disorders and insecurity, must contain a certain number of men who respect themselves, and who have some scope for the free exercise of genius and virtue.

In spite of all the efforts of generous patriotism, a Diet, surrounded by a Russian army, were compelled to elect Stanislaus. The Princes Czartorinski expected to reign under the name of their nephew; they had carried through their reforms so dexterously as to be almost unobserved; but Catharine had too deep an interest in the anarchy of Poland not to watch over its preservation. She availed herself of the prejudices of the party Ferrand. I. et Pièces Justific.

Rulhieres. ii, 41. + Ibid. ii. 151.

most adverse to her, and obliged the Diet to abrogate the reforms. The Russian ambassadors were her viceroys in Poland; Keyserling, a crafty and smooth German jurist; Saldern, a desperate adventurer, banished from Holstein for forgery; and Repnin, a haughty and brutal Muscovite, were selected, perhaps from the variety of their character, to suit the fluctuating circumstances of the country; but all of them spoke in that tone of authority which has ever since continued to distinguish the Russian diplomacy. Prince Czartorinski was desirous not to be present in the Diet when his measures were repealed; but Repnin told him, that if he were not, his palaces should be burnt, and his estates laid waste. Czartorinski understood this system of Muscovite canvass, and submitted to the humiliation of proposing to abrogate those reformations which he thought essential to the existence of the Republic.

The Russian and Prussian ministers presented notes in favour of the Dissidents in September, 1764,* and afterwards urged the claims of that body more fully to the Diet of 1766, when they were seconded with honest intentions, though perhaps with a doubtful right of interference, by Great Britain, Denmark, and Sweden, as parties to the treaty of Oliva, or as guarantees of that important treaty, the foundation of the political system of the north of Europe. The Diet, influenced by the unnatural union of an intolerant spirit, with a generous indignation against foreign interference, rejected all these solicitations, though they were undoubtedly agreeable to the principle of the treaty of Oliva, and though some of them proceeded from powers who could not be suspected of unfriendly intentions. In 1767, the Dissidents were unhappily prevailed upon to enter into confederations for the recovery of their ancient rights, and thus to furnish a pretext for the armed interference of Russia. Forty thousand Russians entered Poland under pretence of protecting the Confederated Dissidents. In order to embroil the affairs of that distracted country still more irretrievably, Catharine now affected to espouse the cause of the Republicans who had resisted the election of Stanislaus. Prince Radzivil returned from his exile. A general confederation of malcontents was formed under his auspices at Radom, but surrounded by Russian troops, and subject to the orders of the brutal Repnin. That capricious barbarian used his power with such insolence as soon to provoke general resistance. He prepared for a subservient Diet by the utmost excesses of military violence at the elections, and by threats of banishment to Siberia held out to every one whose opposition he dreaded. The Diet, which met on the 4th October, 1767, showed strong symptoms of independence. The means adopted by Repnin to subdue the obstinacy of that Assembly are described by Rulhieres in one of the most striking passages of his eloquent work.†

The Diet were at length intimidated; and Repnin obtained their consent to a treaty with Russia, stipulating for the equal admission of all religious sects to civil offices, containing a reciprocal guarantee "of the integrity of the territories of both powers in the most solemn and sacred manner; confirming the constitution of Poland, especially the fatal law of unanimity, with a few alterations recently made by the Diet, and placing this "Constitution, with the Government, liberty, and rights of Poland, under the guarantee of her Imperial Majesty, who most solemnly promises to preserve the Republic for ever entire." Thus, under the pretence of religious liberty, Martens, iv. 582.

Martens Recueil, i. 340.

Rulhieres, ii. 466. 470.