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The mathematician makes his definitions, and then he declares that certain propositions in regard to the relations of these definitions are intuitively true. Suppose that the mathematician should either be so skeptical himself or should have so much regard for the doubts of others, that he should resolve to assume nothing. He would be compelled by his skepticism, or his misplaced courtesy, to acknowledge, either that there are no first principles in mathematics, and therefore no basis for any subsequent demonstration, and, consequently, that the whole science is without foundation, or, in other words, no science; or else that there are principles before the first. But mark, the person who would assume nothing, must himself make assumptions, and the most absurd assumptions too. He must assume, that every thing should be demonstrated. He must assume, either that we can arrive at no first principles in morals, or that there are principles before the first. But according to him, every thing should be proved. These assumptions of his ought therefore to be proved. But who would take it upon him to prove the assumption that every thing requires proof? The very demonstration would prove that itself wanted proof-it would destroy itself. The very existence of all science depends on the assumption of first truths. It arises from a lurking infidelity, we believe, that men are so prone to make utility the test of moral rectitude. Like the unbelieving Jews, who demanded a sign from heaven in attestation of spiritual truths, which none but "an evil and adulterous generation," would have rejected, they cannot be satisfied without some demonstration to sense of that which the spirit only can discern.

Our limits will not allow us to notice many subjects of inquiry brought to view in the Philosophy of the Moral Feelings, which it would be more delightful to us, perhaps, than to our readers to discuss. The work is interesting, and will be useful; but it is not profound. The statement respecting the character of the moral feelings, and the moral sense, is inadequate. There are depths in the philosophy of mind and morals which Abercrombie has never fathomed. Truth, permanent and immutable, dwells below the surface of things.

ARTICLE VI.

WRITINGS OF WASHINGTON.

The Writings of George Washington; being his Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other papers, official and private, selected and published from the original manuscripts; with a Life of the Author, notes and illustrations. By Jared Sparks. Vols. II. and III. Boston:

1834.

THE first volume of this work is to contain the Life of Washington; and from the limits to which Mr. Sparks confines the biography, we presume it will be greatly sought. Especially will this be likely to happen, if it shall be also published separately from the "Writings." Marshall's Life of the same man is too voluminous for universal reading, and too expensive for very general sale. And we have no hesitancy in predicting that Mr. Sparks will produce a Life, which will render of little value the copyrights of Doctors Ramsay and Bancroft.

The undertaking of Mr. Sparks, which is now so auspiciously commenced, has been announced for several years. And it is truly an object of national pride, no less than of national interest. For though the most interesting and valuable part of Washington's letters, as well as of his other writings, has already been given to the public; yet they have never before been presented in such order, sequence, and completeness, as their intrinsic value, the station and character of the author, and the honor of the country, demanded.

The elder President Adams expressed an apprehension, sixteen years ago, "that the true history of the American revolution could not be recovered." And undoubtedly there was then, and is yet, much ground to fear that the minutely exact truth of many important events, and of their true operative causes, is forever past finding out. But the nation and the world have reason to be grateful to Mr. Sparks for the additions to historical truth, which his arduous and well

directed labors have furnished. No man in this country has done so much in this sphere of action, and no man could have done it better. We are glad to perceive that he intends to pursue these researches still further; and we anticipate from his projected Life of Franklin, additional light on that great man's diplomatic conduct. It may not be impertinent here to remark, that within the last quarter of a century, the indefatigable labors of English scholars have done more to disabuse the world on topics of English history, than had been done during the previous century and a half. This has been accomplished, in the main, "by going to the record." Thither Mr. Sparks has gone.

The volume, which is called second, (though it is, in fact, the first of Washington's Writings,) includes his letters from 1754 to 1775, when he was appointed "Commander in Chief of the Army of the United Colonies." The third volume comes down to July 1776, about three months after he reached New York, upon the evacuation of Boston by General Howe.

The letters in the second volume "relate chiefly to the French war, in which Washington was actively engaged for five years. During a large part of that time, he was commander in chief of the Virginia forces; and his correspondence in that capacity, both as furnishing historical materials and manifesting the characteristics and resources of his own mind, is curious and valuable. Many years after the letters were written, he revised the first drafts, and caused them to be carefully recorded in volumes."*

At Braddock's defeat, Washington lost all his papers. They were taken by the French, and first sent to Canada, and thence to France. Among these papers was his official correspondence of the preceding year. Mr. Sparks has, in a great measure, repaired this loss, by his researches in the

* The whole number of volumes in Mr. Sparks's series, will be from eight to twelve. The transcripts of Washington's revolutionary papers occupy forty-four large folio volumes. After the revolution, his correspondence was very extensive with eminent persons in this country and in Europe, and from that time to his acceptance of the presidency, his copied letters fill six folio volumes. During the presidency, he found leisure to prepare seven volumes of recorded letters, besides many others of which presscopies were taken, and which are not preserved in books. There are fourteen other volumes in which are recorded the transactions of the president with Congress and the heads of departments, and which consist of letters which passed between him and the secretaries on special subjects. Among other records is a private journal in which his official acts and intercourse are daily noted down.

archives of the public offices in London, in the library of the war department in Paris, and in other sources, public and private, foreign and domestic, to which he obtained access in his untiring editorial inquiries.

The course, which the editor of these volumes has pursued, is thus explained by himself:

"I have laid down two rules, which I have labored to follow with as much discrimination as possible; first, to select such parts, as have a permanent value on account of the historical facts which they contain, whether in relation to actual events, or to the political designs and operations in which Washington was a leading or conspicuous agent; secondly, to comprise such other parts, as contain the views, opinions, counsels and reflections of the writer on all kinds of topics, showing thereby the structure of his mind, its powers and resources, and the strong and varied points of his character. Upon this plan it has been my study to go carefully through the manuscripts, without regard to what has heretofore been made public, and gather from the whole, and combine into one body, the portions most important for their intrinsic value and historical characteristics; so that the work, in its complete form, may be a depository of all the writings of Washington, which it is essential to preserve, either as illustrating his political and private life, or the history of his country during the long and brilliant period of his public career." Introd. to Vol. II. p. xiv.

Short historical and explanatory notes are added to some of the letters, and an appendix at the end of each volume, in which some materials of great value are reposited, that were not suited to the body of the work.

Washington's letters of an earlier date than 1754, have all been lost. But as he was in his minority until about that time, it is not probable that their contents would have given great additional value to the work, though they would doubtless have gratified the reader's laudable curiosity.

It is obviously impracticable-and it is not desirable-to give an analysis of the contents of volumes like these. Our object is to present some of the prominent historical facts which are here found, and which are not so generally known as they ought to be. Mr. Sparks has well justified the fullness of his Notes to the second volume, by alleging the fact, "that the history of the events upon which they have a bearing is but little known, and that hardly any of the letters to which they are attached have hitherto been published."

Judge Marshall, in his Life of Washington, has quoted very freely from his letters written during the war of the revolution, and afterwards; but has made little direct use of his earlier writings. He has, indeed, given a very clear general view of Washington's first military career, and has done his whole character and services ample and discriminating justice. A perusal of the letters and notes in this second volume will greatly strengthen the impression, made by his different biographers, concerning his inflexible firmness under unexampled difficulties and vexations, and his manly forbearance under provocation and obloquy. Even the cautious of Marshall has characterized Dinwiddie, (the governor pen of Virginia,) to whom Washington "was in every minute circumstance subjected," as "a weak, obstinate, and rude man, without just conceptions of the situation or real interests of the colony."

One trait in Washington's military character, which appeared early, and which was never for a moment obscured, was his scrupulous subjection to the civil authority. "He could not be prevailed upon to exercise a delegated power to any greater extent than was absolutely necessary for a full discharge of the duties of his station. This control of that strong passion, the love of power, was one of the marked traits of his character, and a main cause of his popularity through the whole of his brilliant career." p. 280, note. In a letter to the Earl of Loudoun, in February, 1757, he complained of a law of the Virginia assembly, forbidding courtsmartial to sit out of the colony, "by which means, (he remarked,) all proceedings held at Fort Cumberland (in Maryland) were illegal, and we were obliged to remove to Virginia for the trial of offenders, or act contrary to law, and be open to prosecution."

"On the 12th of January, Colonel Washington wrote to the Governor respecting the trial of several subaltern officers and soldiers for a mutiny. I thought it needless,' said he, 'to send you the proceedings of the court-martial, or to ask warrants for execution, as we have no law to inflict punishment, even of the smallest kind. I shall keep those criminals in irons, and, if possible, under apprehensions of death, until some favorable opportunity may countenance a reprieve.' The Governor replied, that, as the men were enlisted and paid with money raised for the King's service, he conceived they were subject to the articles of war, in the same manner as the King's regular forces. But so

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