Page images
PDF
EPUB

any of the states, regard the institution as a great evil to both races, and would rejoice in the adoption of any safe, just and practicable plan for the removal of all slaves among us. Hitherto no such satisfactory plan has been presented. When, on the occasion of the formation of our present constitution of Kentucky, in 1799, the question of the gradual emancipation of slavery in the state was agitated, its friends had to encounter great obstacle, in the fact that there then existed no established colony to which they could be transported.

"Now by the successful establishment of flourishing colonies on the western coast of Africa, that difficulty has been obviated. And I confess that, without indulging in any undue feelings of superstition, it does seem to me that, it may have been among the dispensations of Providence to prevent the wrongs under which Africa has been suffered to be inflicted, that her children might be returned to their original home, civilized, and imbued with the benign spirit of Christianity, and prepared ultimately to redeem that great continent from barbarism and idolatry.

"Without undertaking to judge for any other state, it was my opinion in 1799, that Kentucky was in a state to admit of the gradual emancipation of her slaves; and how deeply do I lament that a system with that object, had not been then established! If it had been, the state would now be rid of all slaves. My opinion has never changed, and I have frequently publicly expressed it. I should be most happy if what was impracticable at that epoch could now be accomplished.

"After a full and deliberate consideration of the subject, it appears to me three principles should regulate the establishment of a system of emancipation. The first is, that it should be slow in its operation, cautious, and gradual, so as to occasion no convulsion, nor any rash or sudden disturbance in the existing habits of society. Second, that as an indispensable condition, the emancipated slaves should be removed from the state to some colony. And, thirdly, that the expenses of their transportation to such a colony, including an outfit for six months after their arrival, should be defrayed by a fund to be raised from the labour of each freed slave.

"Nothing could be more unwise than the immediate liberation of all the slaves in the state, comprehending both sexes and all ages, from that of tender infancy to extreme old age. It would lead to the most frightful and fatal consequences. Any great change in the condition of society should be marked by extreme care and circumspection. The introduction of slavery into the colonies was an operation of many years' duration; and the work of their removal from the United States can only be effected after the lapse of a great length of time.

"I think that a period should be fixed when all born after it should be free at a specified age, all born before it remaining slaves for life. That period I would suggest should be 1855, or even 1860; for on this and other arrangements of the system, if adopted, I incline to a

liberal margin, so as to obviate as many objections, and to unite as many opinions as possible. Whether the commencement of the operation of the system be a little earlier or later, is not so important as that a day should be permanently fixed, from which we could look forward, with confidence, to the final termination of slavery within the limits of the commonwealth."

Mr. Clay is not alone is these sentiments. Many of the leading men in the south aceord with him in opinion, and those opposed to him will hardly now venture upon any extreme measures to sustain slavery. We look therefore to the most beneficial results from these wise and patriotic declarations, emanating from so distinguished a statesman.

The American colonization society instituted for the purpose of ameliorating the condition of the African race, has been very successful. It is composed of many eminent and philanthropic gentlemen from every section of the union.

To carry out its object, a tract of land was purchased, and a colony formed in the year 1822 at Cape Mesurado, on the western coast of Africa. As fresh emigrants arrived, additional tracts were purchased, and the town of Monrovia was built. The greater part of the emigrants were men of eminent piety, and by their just, humane, and benevolent policy have acquired much influence over the surrounding tribes. They have been diligent and successful in agricultural and mechanical pursuits, and are now in a highly flourishing condition. The colony was called Liberia, and has lately been organized as an independent republic. It has a population of 80,000, of which 10,000 are native Americans: and it exercises an influence over 2,000,000 of people inhabiting the neighbouring districts and states. President Roberts, a coloured man, is at the head of this new republic, and is peculiarly well qualified for the office. He has lately effected a recognition of their independence by England and France.

At a recent meeting of the colonization society held in Washington, it was stated that 443 emigrants had been sent to Liberia, during the past year, of whom 324 were liberated slaves, and that the greater part of them came from Virginia. The applications for emigration then numbered 657, and would probably exceed a thousand. Some very distinguished gentlemen addressed the society on the occasion, among whom were Mr. Walker, late secretary of the treasury, Hon. J. R. Ingersoll of Philadelphia, and Hugh Maxwell, Esq., of New York.

S.

AGRICULTURE.

(BY HON. J. C. SPENCER.*)

"In no department of knowledge has such extraordinary progress been made within the present generation, as in the development of the laws of nature which govern the germination, nutriment, growth and perfection of seeds and plants. The simple truth that plants, like animals, have their peculiar food in the soil-that what is nutritious to one, is useless or injurious to another, unlocks the whole mystery of agriculture, and reduces it to a question of fact, or rather many facts. modern chemistry, although it may not have discovered this truth, has illustrated and sustained it, and given it a force and application of which our fathers had no conception. Every intelligent farmer now knows that he must feed his wheat, his corn, his barley, his oats, his potatoes and his turnips, with the same care and discrimination that he would feed his cattle, his horses, and his sheep. Yes, and he is told with what he is to feed them. By the analysis of the component parts of plants, it is ascertained of what chemical and other elements they are constituted, and then the application of these elements to their subsistence becomes as easy and familiar as the preparation of food for cattle. "For these great results we are indebted to the labours of scientific men who have devoted their lives to study, and to innumerable experiments, before general rules and principles could be established. And these men have been mostly retired students and professors, who have derived their facts from the observations of practical agriculturists. And I am sure that in this connexion your grateful sympathies will concur in awarding the highest merit to Professor Liebig, of Germany, whose work on agricultural chemistry has opened such new and comprehensive views, as to form an epoch in the natural history of the world. I advert to this great triumph of science, for the purpose of dispelling, if possible, the prejudice against abstract investigation and scientific pursuit. The man who acts upon a single, or at most a few experiments, without understanding the principles which govern them, and who proclaims the result as a general law, is essentially a quack, in every profession and in every department of knowledge. But he who has many facts collected from distant sources, arising under the most varied circumstances, who examines them carefully and compares them with each other so as to separate the accidental from the permanent and invariable, and fixes these beyond dispute-reduces his elements into a science, and becomes a safe guide. Few practical men can devote the necessary time to such investigations, or the necessary reflection and study to draw from them these useful results. And hence it was that until recently, agriculture was not a science, but a collection of confused, miscellaneous and inconsistent facts and

* Address before the State Agricultural Society, N. Y.

observations, fruitful of error and consequent loss and injury. And such will always be the consequence of limited, narrow, local observations and facts, received as general truths.

"Let me not be understood as discouraging observations and experiments. Far from it. They furnish the elements and materials for science to work with. But what is deprecated, is a reliance upon these experiments before they have undergone the analysis and purification of science. I do not suppose it possible for the great body of farmers to become thoroughly versed in geology, botany and chemistry, nor is it necessary they should be. But they can be acquainted with the practical results attained in each of these branches by those who are thoroughly versed in them, and with the general reasons and principles upon which those results depend, so that they can apply them as occasion may require. The mariner who from his meridian observations fixes the precise spot on the earth's surface where his vessel floats, does not, and ordinarily cannot, know or understand the processes by which Newton developed the principles and rules which enables him to determine in a few minutes his latitude and longitude. So with the farmer. He may well comprehend and apply the results of scientific investigation, without being able to follow the various steps through which it has been conducted, and those results become as completely his own as if he himself had developed them.

"These remarks are made in the hope of convincing those who cultivate the earth, that the quantity of reading and study necessary to enable them to pursue their profession with the greatest possible advantage to themselves and their farms, is not so great as to preclude them from acquiring the fruits of the most thorough and exact investigations, and particularly the leading principles of the science of improving soils. Their experiments, instead of being isolated facts, will become speaking illustrations of the laws of nature, and each one will afford new cause to admire the wonderful economies of Providence, and to praise and adore the goodness of their great Author."

Mr. Spencer then proceeds to the examination of the question, "where the farmer is to look for the best market for his products." In doing this, he comes in conflict with the views presented by the Hon. Silas Wright in his able address on a similar occasion, read, as it will be recollected, by Gen. Dix, in consequence of the sudden and lamented death of its gifted author. We omit the argument of Mr. Spencer on the points raised, until, according to our rule of impartiality, we have room to present the opposing arguments, side by side.

The subject is one of great interest to the country, and deserving of close examination and study by every intelligent and practical farmer. Mr. Spencer has treated the question with great ability, and that he

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

does not regard it in a narrow and party light may be gathered from the following extract:

"Having never been a partisan on either side, and having no interests present or prospective to gratify in the decision of this question, I feel that I can approach it without prejudice, or any other bias than that which may be caused by the love of my own country, its interests, and its people, in preference to all others. It is not apprehended that political party feelings can be wounded by a frank, open, and candid discussion of the subject. It is not a party question, but is, in fact, a local one. States known for their support of one party, are equally well known for their adherence to what some choose to call the American system, and prominent individuals of the other party are known to be hostile to that system. But I go farther, and deny the right of politicians to seize upon a topic of universal interest and appropriate it to electioneering purposes. The great mass have interests which are superior to the ephemeral success or defeat of party leaders, and they should not suffer themselves to be compelled to take one side or another, when the truth may perchance be found between both. And I have the less reluctance to engage in this discussion after the example of the distinguished man whose address was read to you at your last anniversary. The tendency of that address was to favour the extreme southern view, which has been exhibited to you, and to convince you that your reliance for the purchase and consumption of the products of your farms should be upon a foreign market. I am quite sure that you are not only willing, but desirous to hear an examination of the grounds of that opinion, conducted with all the respect for great merit and high talent, which the occasion demands, and which long association and the most agreeable personal relations have deeply impressed upon me. And I am equally confident that no name, however distinguished, can cast any shadow over your field of vision, which your penetration will not dissipate.'

[ocr errors]

Mr. Spencer then enters into an elaborate discussion of the main question, and to show the results to which he comes, we give his closing remarks, in which he insists that our independence, as a nation, depends upon the maintenance of a home as well as a foreign market, by fostering alike the great interests of manufactures and agriculture.

"The security of a country is deeply connected with the maintenance of manufactures. How hopeless must that nation be, which a war will cut off from the necessaries and from the comforts to which its inhabitants have been accustomed, and from its means of defence? The ability to make our own gunpowder, our own cannon and arms, is not more essential than our capacity to clothe our troops, or to furnish the various fabrics of metal required in military operations. Indeed, iron in its various formations, may be said to constitute the muscle of a na

« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »