gether inadequate, and in the former to have conceded too much. In Jamaica, which has commonly taken the lead in complaining of colonial grievances, the language of discontent has been unusually bold, and the difficulties and losses of the planters have been very great. It is still obstinately maintained in England that free labour is, under all circumstances, cheaper than slave labour, and that it has not yet had a fair trial in the West Indies, though every experiment as yet made in the English islands seems to show that the sugar-making business in the torrid zone is an exception to the general rule.

Symptoms of discontent have also manifested themselves in Canada and other British possessions in North America; nor are they likely to abate unless there is a repeal of the navigation laws, or at least some partial relaxation of them in the timber trade.

He

Rebellion to British authority has again shown itself in that part of northern India known as the Punjaub country. In the month of June, Moolraj, a chief of that country, attempted to surprise and overpower a small British force under the command of Lieutenant Edwardes, but was gallantly repulsed. A second battle was fought with the like result. Moolraj took refuge in the city of Moultan, to which the British, after they were re-enforced, laid siege. Moolraj made efforts to seduce the Sepoys in the British service, but without success. seems, however, to have defended his capital with valour and talent. It was attacked by the British with a force of 26,000 men, and though it was defended by only from 7,000 to 12,000, the British were compelled to retire. The whole of the Punjaub country, containing about four millions of people, is said to be opposed to English dominion, but, according to past experience, that fact would but the more certainly provoke and afford a justification for its complete subjugation, and, accordingly, the British government has since decided that it would be expedient to annex the whole of the Punjaub, estimated at about 60,000 square miles, and containing 4,000,000 of inhabitants, to the British dominions. Notwithstanding some partial successes of the insurgents, the large force brought into the field against them by Lord Gough, and said to be 80,000 men, seems to leave scarce a doubt of that result.

GERMANY.

The seed sown by the late French revolution seems likely to produce as abundant a harvest of good or evil in Germany, as in France itself. The republican spirit, formerly confined to her students and a few speculative minds, after the events of February 1848, rapidly increased, and was extensively diffused among the people.

The most prominent event in that part of Europe, since our last number, was the outbreak in Vienna, happening on the 5th and 6th of October, and which threatened to put an end to the Austrian monarchy.

The civil dissensions in the Austrian dominions are very complicated, not merely from the different nations of which the empire is composed, but also from the different races which are sometimes found in the same portion of the imperial domain. Their mutual jealousies and animosities have so mingled in their political contests, that the latter cannot be well understood without some historical notice of these diversities.

Hungary, which has been so conspicuous in the recent history of Austria, contains with its associate or dependent states, eleven or twelve millions of inhabitants. It has always claimed to be an independent kingdom; the emperor is there called king of Hungary, and it has its own legislative council or diet. Of the distinct races found there, the Magyars, so called from the oriental or Turkish name of their ancestors who conquered the country in the ninth century, claim supremacy, though they constitute but one-third of the population. They are exclusively the landholders in Hungary, and have many special privileges; which circumstances, making of the other races an inferior caste, have not only prevented an amalgamation, but kept the races in a state of perpetual hostility. Another circumstance has contributed to strengthen the national feelings of the Magyars. Joseph II., among his other schemes of reform, endeavoured to identify the Hungarians with the Germans, and the enthusiastic opposition thus excited among the Magyars laid the foundation for that sentiment of nationality which is known by the name of Magyarism. This sentiment, which is often in conflict with Austria's supremacy, is no less opposed to the equal rights of the Slavonian races. Their principal landholders live in great pomp, often maintaining large bands of armed retainers; and they regard even the nobility of the other provinces as inferior to the humblest Magyar. They alone have the right of voting in their county diets; and the poorest of them becoming farmers to the more wealthy, the latter are thereby able to control their votes. With the personal pride thus engendered, these county diets being deliberative assemblies, have been a school for orators and politicians. If in the cities this feudal haughtiness disappears, the taste for politics and talent for public speaking are no less conspicuous there, and makes the Magyars members of clubs, and active in all political meetings. Their ancient privileges and franchises, which have been abridged under Austrian rule, have been the subject of continual claim from the emperor, and about twenty years since they succeeded in substituting their own language for the latin, which had been previously used in all solemn acts and public proceedings. Not content with this success, they insisted that the Magyar language should be similarly used throughout all Hungary. The Croatians, the Slavonians, and Transylvanians vehemently resisted this attempt, maintaining that they too had a language of their own, and pleading the example of the objection made by the Magyars to the latin, they universally cried "nolumus Magyari." Bohemia, whose

population is three-fourths Slavonian, sympathized with their brethren in Hungary, and the reaction thus produced, evoked and strengthened the antagonist nationality of panslavism, which comprehended ten times the numbers of Magyarism. These feuds between the Magyar and Slavonian races, were systematically fomented by the tortuous policy of the Austrian cabinet.

It is said that from policy or liberality still further concessions were about to be made to the Magyars by the Austrian government, when the revolution broke out in Vienna in March. This was a signal for the Magyars to enforce and enlarge their claims. But if it was thought a favourable occasion for them to press their demands on Austria, it was deemed equally favourable to the Slavonians for resisting the oppression or injustice of the Magyars. They insisted upon equal representation according to numbers-upon a separate ministry for Hungary, and for the removal of the diet from Presburg to Pesth, and upon equal civil rights with the Magyars. The emperor, in no condition after March to refuse popular demands, granted them all they asked; and it is due to the Magyars to say that the diet of Pesth, in the assertion of their political rights against Austria, admitted that all the inhabitants of Hungary, of whatever race, had equal claims with themselves: but notwithstanding this admission, they still contended for the general adoption of their language. The little that was thus refused outweighed the much that was surrendered, particularly when joined to the recollection of past wrongs. The Croats and other Slavonians, encouraged by the central government, were more violent in their opposition than ever, until the dispute broke out into open war. In an address by the Croats to the emperor, in defence of their course, they declared that they preferred the Russian knout to Magyar insolence; and they reminded the emperor that though their country is but a 35th part of the Austrian empire in extent, it furnished one-third of the infantry of his army. The ban or governor of Croatia, baron Jellachich, at the head of one of the most warlike people in the Austrian dominions, stepped forth as the champion of the Slavonian cause, and declared that he would never lay down his arms until he had obtained for it ample justice.

The Magyars, or rather the diet at Pesth, having no troops embodied, and unable to contend against the regular forces under Jellachich, who also had the sympathy and favour of all the Slavonian race, found it prudent to temporize. They determined to send a deputation to the emperor; and to secure it a welcome, voted by acclamation 200,000 men, and 100,000,000 of florins, (about $50,000,000,) for the double purpose of terminating the war with the Croatians, and of assisting the Austrians in Italy. They also ordered an issue of paper money of 2,000,000 florins. The deputation consisted of 160 members. They insisted that Hungary is a free and independent kingdom. They made professions of loyalty, and invited the emperor to make Pesth his residence.

In the negotiations which took place about this time between the Austrian cabinet and the Hungarian diet, each party accused the other of double dealing and bad faith, and the charges of both appeared to be but too well founded.

Notwithstanding their professions of amity, other measures showed that the Hungarians looked to independence. They sent agents to the national assembly at Frankfort, to negotiate for assistance. They represented to the latter that the Austrian army composed mostly of Slavonians, could not be regarded as German or as consistent with German safety, and that Germany had the same interests as Hungary in a separation of the different states of the empire.

The Austrian cabinet, as we shall see hereafter, was not inferior to the diet in acts of diplomacy. The emperor declined the invitation to Pesth on the score of health, and gave evasive answers to the other applications; except that he positively refused to sanction the proposed issue of paper money. The diet, indignant, threw off the mask, asserted complete independence, and made the refusal of their assignats punishable with death. The leader of the patriotic party in the diet was Kossuth, a lawyer of great talent and force of character, who had been for many years an obscure country attorney, and had been active in preparing and enlightening the public mind, as the editor of an humble journal, for which he had suffered imprisonment.

In September, Jellachich entered Hungary with a large force, and published a proclamation in which he stated his purpose to be to defend the rights of the emperor, and to quell the rebellious spirit manifested in Pesth. The diet then tried a second deputation, which was on the 17th September, sent to the assembly at Frankfort, with instructions to denounce the central government, and to demand assistance against the Croats. The assembly refused to receive them. On learning this, the diet gave unlimited powers to Kossuth, who associated seven other persons with him in the duties of the government, but their acts continued to be, as before, in the name of the king, and they set about making preparations for defence. The Archduke Stephen, having resigned his office of Palatine of Hungary, the emperor appointed Count Mailath in his place, and sent Count Lamberg commissioner extraordinary to Hungary, and gave him command of the whole Austrian force there. He reached Pesth on the 29th September, and the Hungarian party decided on his arrest that evening, as well as on resisting. the emperor's orders. The count, unaware of his danger or rashly braving it, while passing in a carriage without guards or attendants, was seized by some peasants armed with scythes and hay forks, and savagely murdered. Having taken off his clothes, they fastened a rope to the naked body, and dragged it through the streets. It appeared that the Austrian government, pursuing its wonted policy of playing off the Slavonians against the Magyars, had ordered or encouraged the march of Jellachich into Hungary, under the expectation that the

diet at Pesth would appeal to the emperor for his interposition or assistance, and that he might thus obtain from them a surrender of their recent claims, and also of his former concessions, without violating his oath. Count Lamberg, the instrument for carrying out this crooked scheme, thus became its first victim.

An imperial edict was forthwith issued at Schoenbrun, dissolving the diet of Pesth, appointing Jellachich to the command of the Austrian forces, enjoining the severest punishment on Count Lamberg's murderers, and proclaiming martial law in Hungary.

The diet responded by declaring itself a national assembly under the dictatorship of Kossuth. It appointed a committee of public safety. The whole country took up arms.

Jellachich, now likely to encounter a more formidable resistance than he expected, arrested his march, and while he hesitated whether he should persevere in his attack on Pesth, or form a junction with the Austrian troops on the upper Danube, the intelligence from Vienna decided him to hasten to the metropolis.

The insurrection at Vienna on the 6th of October, which for some weeks absorbed the attention of all Europe, arose from the order to two battalions of grenadiers, suspected of disaffection, to march to Hungary, and a part refusing to obey. They were ordered to be escorted by a regiment of cuirassiers. In approaching the bridges on the Danube, they were met by armed peasants, who fraternized with them and broke down the bridges.

The national guards joined the disaffected troops, and an engagement took place between them, supported by the people and a battalion of fusileers, together with some troops from Prague. In the afternoon, the office of the minister of war, Count Latour, was attacked; he was seized and hung at the lamp-post. It was supposed that there were 150 killed, and 500 or 600 wounded in the insurrection. It is said that among the papers of the minister of war, was found the correspondence with Jellachich, concerning Count Lamberg's mission, which confirms the suspicion of the intrigue that has been mentioned, and to which, consequently, Count Latour must be regarded as the second victim.

The Emperor, who is known to be nervously timid, as well as mentally imbecile, fled to Innspruck, and a message was despatched to him by the provisional government in Vienna, demanding a popular minister, and the revocation of the order appointing Jellachich to the command of the troops in Hungary. They then made preparations for the attack they were certain to encounter from the troops still faithful to the Emperor.

The Bohemians have always sided with the Slavonians in these contests of race, from a recollection of their common origin; and their deputies at the diet of Vienna after the insurrection withdrew to Prague, where they formed a distinct diet, and protested against the proceedings at Vienna.