the agricultural and mechanical interests of the interior, forming, as they do, the great mass of producers and consumers, would pay the duties levied for the improvement of any navigable waters or of any harbors. And thus it will be seen how unsound is the theory which has been advanced, that these local tonnage duties would be collected "from the commerce of the ports which are to profit by the improvements." Although in the first instance paid by that com nerce, yet, as has been shown, they are ultimately taken out of the pockets of the people at large. And as the appropriations for such improvements made by congress must come from the same source, the question at last comes to this point-shall the means for making them be obtained under the local legislation of the states, sanctioned by congress, and expended by those states through their own agents and without responsibility to the whole; or shall they be obtained by the direct consent of the representatives of all who are to pay them, be applied in the mode best calculated to promote the common and general interests of the whole, instead of the local interests of one or a few, and be expended and controlled under the authority of the government that represents all the states, with the assistance of the skill, experience and independence of agents which the government only can supply?

RIGHTS OF THE UNION AND DUTY OF THE GOVERNMENT.

It is emphatically remarked in No. 40 of the Federalist, that "the rights to the fisheries, to the navigation of the lakes, and to that of the Mississippi, are RIGHTS OF THE UNION," as contradistinguished from the rights of particular states. They are indeed national rights, they belong to the whole Union, to each and every state, and to every citizen. This right, in relation to the lakes and the Mississippi, has been consecrated by the compacts and acts to which we have already referred-national in its very nature, it would be a gross dereliction of duty in the federal government to subject it in any form, immediately or remotely, to the action of any state.

It is a grievous mistake to suppose that this glorious union was formed only to produce a unity of political interests. Almost every page of the debates in the convention, and the writings of those who defended the constitution, proclaims that a unity of commercial interests was equally the object of its formation. Indeed, the dangers to be apprehended from commercial conflicts were far greater than those which could arise from any other source; and the political organization was in itself chiefly desirable because it combined, regulated, and controlled the conflicting commercial interests of the different

states.

No man can cast his eye over the map of the United States without being struck by the wonderful physical adaptation of its surface to the union under one government of the people inhabiting it; a union that should rest not so much upon constitutions and compacts as upon social and commercial interests and feelings, as expansive as the wants and affections of man, and as durable as time. Reaching from ocean to ocean, extending through the temperate into the torrid zone, it presents such a variety of climate and soil, such admirable proportions of land and water, as afford an infinite diversity of employment for labour and enterprise, and must for ever prevent their undue absorption by any one or by a few objects of culture, while they insure the production of the various elements of subsistence, clothing, and even of luxurious indulgence, without resort to any other country. And no country on the face of the globe presents greater capacities for the interchange of these productions. Not to dwell on the wide-spread expanse fed and watered by the Mississippi and navigable confluents, where can be found a commercial parallel for its gigantic course, reaching from the gulf of Mexico 2300 miles to the north-west, where we behold one of its branches within thirty miles of the river Iroquois, which empties into Lake Superior; passing down the most

extraordinary chain of lakes in the known world, 1500 miles to the St. Lawrence, and through that noble river 1000 miles, we reach the ocean through a circuit of 5000 miles. These great conduits-the Mississippi and the St. Lawrence -are supplied by innumerable streams intersecting the whole country in every direction, which may be connected at various points with each other, or with other navigable waters leading to the Atlantic, forming new circuits and channels, and affording water communication to every portion of the Union, capable of bearing freights more conducive to the prosperity of our people than rivers of gold. Immense as this view is, it is but a foretaste of what may be anticipated, when the boundless regions now opening in the West and South shall be thronged with the myriads destined to occupy them.

As the true and sure foundation of all government is in the interests and affections of the people, what more noble and holy duty remains to the statesman than that of completing and perfecting what nature has begun, and giving to our navigable waters their full political power in binding together one bro therhood of freemen? By intercourse the most cheap and unrestrained, and by that alone, can the intelligence and sentiments of the country be brought into contact interests and affections commingled-mountains of prejudice removed, and the genial spirit of common sympathy be diffused throughout the land.

And shall this vast movement of commerce and intercourse be checked and obstructed by shoals, bars, snags, and driftwood, that are mere pigmy obstacles when compared with the resources of the United States, or with the immense amount of trade which they clog and impede?

The whole amount of the appropriations hitherto made by congress, during nearly sixty years, for works calculated to facilitate internal trade, is less than eighteen millions of dollars-but little more than half of your annual revenue, and probably not equal to three months' expenditure in waging a foreign war! And is this the fulfilment of the mission of civilization, liberty, peace, and prosperity to all, which our fathers undertook under the smiles of heaven? Was our government made only to furnish place, office, and honours to a few, and to afford subjects for political metaphysics? or was it created for the mighty mass of minds and souls that uphold it-to afford them protection not only in the enjoyment of political rights, but in the enjoyment and improvement of the bounties of nature? Every obstruction in a navigable river, every impediment to the entrance of a harbor, enhances the cost of transportation, and to that extent becomes a burden upon the products of labour, and diminishes their value; and thus causes a dead loss to the whole community. And while the nation suffers by this diminution of its capital, the loss falls most heavily on those very classes who compose three-fourths of our population, whose industry and enterprise constitute our wealth in peace and our defence in war.

In no one subject, therefore, are the masses more deeply interested than that which relates to their safe and easy intercourse; and none embraces more persons or greater interests. It is the most essential element in all the calculations of business and in all the arrangements of life. Would it not be most extraordinary, if it were true, that such a subject should be wholly unprovided for in the organization of our governments; and still more, that those governments should be absolutely interdicted from providing in any way for this first want of civilized man. And yet such is the inevitable result if the theories we have combated are sound. It is certain that, by the operation of the constitution, and of compacts which cannot be infringed, all jurisdic tion over foreign commerce, and also over commerce among the states, so far as the principal navigable waters are concerned, is denied to the states severally, or to two or more of them united by any alliance for that purpose.

The means and funds arising from commerce, and rightfully applicable to its protection and assistance, have been surrendered by the states to the federal government, and they have neither the power nor the means to meet the exigency. And yet it is contended that the federal government is stripped of all authority to supply the funds thus surrendered, even for the purpose of augmenting its revenues by facilitating and enlarging the commerce that produces them! For you need not be told that your foreign and domestic commerce are one and indissoluble; that without exports you can have no importations, and of course no revenue from imposts. And yet it is gravely maintained that the national arm is paralyzed, so that it cannot raise a finger to remove a sand bar, or dig a trench, which would release annually millions upon millions of the products of your soil, and float them to every market of the world, to purchase these exchanges.

The objection that the grant of power "to regulate commerce" does not authorize appropriations merely to facilitate it,-to render it more safe and convenient, it is obvious, applies to all kinds of commerce equally, to that with foreign nations, to that among the states, and to that with the Indian tribes. And it applies, also, to every species and degree of facility. If you may build a public pier, you may build two, and clear the entrance of a harbor; if you may survey your coasts to ascertain the sunken rocks or other hidden dangers of navigation, and may erect a buoy or light-house, or station a light-boat, to warn the mariner of those dangers, surely you may remove the rocks themselves, or deepen the shoals that cause the danger. No subtlety can distinguish them in principle. And the true issue is, whether you will repudiate the construction so universally given in this and all other cases, to the power "to regulate," and abandon the system for the improvement of the Indian tribes, renounce the authority to constitute territorial governments, and provide for the wants of the citizens subjected to them, and give up your coast surveys, your buoys, light-houses, and public piers as subjects altogether beyond your competency; or whether you will faithfully and fairly apply the principles co-eval with our government, which have been sanctioned by the most severe of the construction school, and by the whole people in repeated instances, to objects clearly and palpably within the range of those principles? The question upon this issue can meet but one response; it never has met but one response, when public sentiment has been permitted to speak through its representatives: and that response has been, and ever will be, that the general government not only has the right, but is bound, by every principle of good faith, to apply the common funds of the nation to those improvements of the means of intercourse which are beyond the power of the means of the states. The expression of that sentiment may have been temporarily stifled by false alarms, or by combinations of party interests, deemed at the time paramount to other considerations. But when these transient clouds have passed away, it has burst forth over and over again in all its effulgence and strength. The convention whose proceedings we transmit furnishes a memorable proof, which no hardihood can question, of the universality and strength of that sentiment. It was sufficient to absorb all party impulses, to defy all political organizations, and to unite on one common platform of faith and action multitudes from a large majority of the states of this union, who probably never before agreed upon any subject.

And we cannot forbear calling your attention to the stern language in which that convention rebuked and disavowed every attempt to connect the cause of internal trade and "commerce among the states" with the fortunes of any political party. It was the language of truth and of manly firmness and sincerity. But the same resolution displays the fixed determination of our constituents to press on and persevere in their efforts, regardless of party ties and associations, until the principles which they proclaimed shall be re-esta

blished and recognised by all parties as the great elements of the political and social vitality of these confederated states.

We appeal, then, to you, representatives of the people of the states, to represent and reflect faithfully those deep-seated sentiments of that people, to satisfy their just and reasonable wants, to consult their vital interests, to perform a plain duty under the constitution, to redeem the faith plighted at its adoption, and to pursue firmly and steadily the path marked out by our wise and patriotic fathers. We and those whom we represent ask not a reckless course of extravagant appropriations for internal improvements. We deprecate it, not only for its folly and wickedness, but because it would be most fatal to the continuance of just and reasonable expenditures. We are aware that the objects which will be presented to your attention are numerous and various, but this only proves how great and pressing is the necessity of your action. Many of these objects are equally worthy, but there are some which, on account of the magnitude of the commerce concerned, the difficulties and expenses of the undertaking, or rather peculiar causes, may justly challenge priority of consideration. Plans for the gradual accomplishment of the most important objects in just and regular succession, by moderate appropriations, have been laid before congress. Let these plans be pursued, while promis cuous and desultory expenditures are carefully avoided. Let the sanction of the disinterested, able, and scientific corps of topographical engineers, already provided for the purpose, be required to every plan of improvement after thorough investigation of its merits, and let rigid estimates of all its expenses be submitted before it be undertaken, that all may judge of the proportion between its cost and its value.

And having thus provided the sure means of detecting useless or frivolous projects, or those requiring inordinate expenditures, there can be no danger of combinations to execute them, which will not be met and overcome by the honesty, disinterestedness, and intelligence of the American congress. The people are willing to trust their representatives-let not those representatives exhibit to the world the spectacle of refusing to trust themselves.

Signed by and in behalf of the members of the executive committee of the Chicago convention. May, 1848.

*This able paper is without doubt from the pen of Mr. Spencer. We had intended to insert with it the report on the Memphis memorial, the production of Mr. Calhoun's logical and powerful mind, but did not receive the copy promised us in time for this number.-ED.

JAMES WILSON,

N.Hamp.

JOHN PAGE,

ADDRESS OF THE PEACE CONGRESS OF EUROPE AND

AMERICA.

In the month of September last, a congress was held in the city of Brussels, whose great object was to promote and secure permanent peace among the civilized nations of the earth, by finding, if possible, an efficient substitute for the bloody, uncertain, and costly arbitrament of war. The congress was composed of numerous individuals, speaking various languages, living under diverse forms of government, and entertaining different political opinions and religious convictions, but drawn together by a common sentiment of humanity, and an ardent desire to promote the welfare of mankind, by removing the

causes and incentives to war.

The eminent position which you occupy in the councils of the nations of Europe and America, induces the congress, of which we are the representatives, to submit to your serious consideration the great and important questions which formed the subject of their anxious deliberations; and respectfully, yet earnestly, to invite your attention to the conclusions at which they arrived. They will be found embodied in the following resolutions:

1st. That, in the judgment of this congress, an appeal to arms for the purpose of deciding disputes among nations, is a custom condemned alike by religion, reason, justice, humanity, and the best interests of the people; and that, therefore, it considers it to be the duty of the civilized world to adopt measures calculated to effect its entire abolition.

2d. That it is of the highest importance to urge on the several governments of Europe and America, the necessity of introducing a clause into all interna tional treaties, providing for the settlement of all disputes by arbitration, in an amicable manner, and according to the rules of justice and equity-special arbitrators, or a supreme international court, to be invested with power to decide in cases of necessity as a last resort.

3d. That the speedy convocation of a congress of nations, composed of duly appointed representatives, for the purpose of framing a well digested and authoritative international code, is of the greatest importance, inasmuch as the organization of such a body, and the unanimous adoption of such a code, would be an effectual means of promoting universal peace.

4th. That this congress respectfully calls the attention of civilized governments to the necessity of a general and simultaneous disarmament, as a means whereby they may greatly diminish the financial burdens which press upon them; remove a fertile cause of irritation and inquietude; inspire mutual confidence; and promote the interchange of good offices, which, while they advance the interests of each state in particular, contribute largely to the maintenance of general peace, and to the lasting prosperity of nations.

These substitutes for war, adopted by the congress, require no arguments to enforce them, for it is evident that if they be adopted and applied, that terrible scourge of humanity will cease to afflict and degrade the nations.

Few, if any, of the wars, which, for centuries past, have desolated the earth, can be justified on the ground of equity, utility, or necessity; nor can any one of them be cited whose fearful results are not loudly condemned by the voice of humanity and religion. The war-spirit of past generations has loaded most, if not all civilized nations, with enormous debts, paralyzed their industry, interrupted their commerce, retarded the progress of science, literature, and art, and created a spirit of jealousy and animosity among the nations which long years of peace have not been able completely to subdue. Europe, at this moment, presents the melancholy spectacle of an "armed peace." Her mighty legions are ready to take the field; and it is feared, that under these melancholy circumstances, a single spark from the torch of war may wrap the world in flames: may God avert so terrible a catastrophe!