way, never destined to be realised. His answer, instead of the expected gratulation, was a mild rebuke. How happy,' he wrote how happy a thing, if you had converted some before you killed any! The exploit,' however, served to intimidate greatly the Indians, and that was an object of paramount importance. There was another abortive attempt at colonisation in Massachusetts Bay-where the town of Quincy has since been builtby Captain Wollaston, and one Merton, a lawyer of doubtful character. The failure was ludicrous. It was not by such hands as theirs that a New England was to arise in the American wilderness.

Spite of the severe trials to which it was exposed, the colony of New Plymouth took deep and permanent root in the unpromising but tenacious soil; and by 1628 there was no longer any doubt entertained, either by the settlers themselves, or by their anxiously observant friends in England, that complete ultimate success was assured. 'Out of small beginnings,' one of them wrote about this time, great things have been produced; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light here kindled hath shone to many, yea, in some sort, to our whole nation.' Yet so slow had been the growth of the settlement, so scanty the emigration up to that period, that it scarcely numbered 300 souls even then; and it was not till that year that the first cattle-three heifers and a bull-were imported into the colony. Now, however, the main body of the Puritan Pilgrims began to prepare actively for following in the track of their courageous and devoted advanced guard. But before more fully adverting to that important movement, and the politico-religious aspect of affairs in England by which it was hastened and confirmed, it will be necessary to say a few words upon the English governmental policy, as far as the king was concerned, relative to the colonisation of North America.

The natural timidity of James's character-its prudential wisdom, writers who display a microscopic vision in the detection of such qualities in rulers, have termed it-prevented him from boldly asserting and enforcing those rights over vast portions of the New World, which, according to the law of nations, he might fairly claim in virtue of the discoveries of his subjects, or of former Englishmen, lest, peradventure, he might thereby come into collision with foreigners: with the Spaniard, who, not satisfied with more than the lion's share of the southern half of the new continent, had begun, after a brief struggle with the French, to settle so far north as Florida, and was building St Augustine, which, by the way, is the oldest town in the United States; with the Dutch, who were talking of a New Netherlands in the vast and fertile tracts drained by the Hudson and Connecticut rivers; or with the French, already busy in South Carolina. Still, his majesty, provided there was no risk, and a probable chance of benefit to the royal coffers, had no objection to encourage, so far as words,

wax, and parchment would serve, the natural anxiety of his people to secure for Great Britain some portion at least of the vast countries which the genius of Columbus had opened to the enterprise of Europe. With this view, the Council of Plymouth, Devonshire, consisting of forty noblemen and gentlemen, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing New England in America,' was created by a royal patent, dated November 3, 1620, shortly after the departure of the Mayflower. By New England -a phrase borrowed of the Pilgrim Fathers-was meant the country extending from 40 to 48 degrees of north latitude-from about New York to the Gulf of St Lawrence-and in westerly direction, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean: a wide domain no doubt, but of slight value to gentlemen disposed to live at home at ease,' unless they could induce a sufficient number of enterprising individuals to set earnestly about converting a nominal and barren sovereignty into a real and fruitful one. The New Plymouth colony was, for a time, contemptuously ignored, and Weston's and Wollaston's patents having resulted in loss and failure only, the Council attempted a bolder game in virtue of their delegated royal prerogative, which, but for the interposition of the parliament, the king's necessities had obliged him to summon, must have resulted in serious mischief. One Francis West was appointed admiral; Robert Gorges, son of Sir F. Gorges, governor of Plymouth, lieutenant-governor; and James Morrell, an episcopal clergyman, spiritual chief of New England. The admiral's powers extended from Cape Cod to Newfoundland; the lieutenant-governor and spiritual chief had jurisdiction over the entire surface set forth in the Council's patent as New England; and those naval, civil, and clerical officers were especially enjoined to drive away all interlopers' from their delegated dominions. These absurd assumptions were, as might have been expected, resisted by the English ships frequenting the American coasts, and quietly set at nought by the Puritan settlers. When the matter was brought before the House of Commons, it was declared that the king's patent was an attempt to over-ride Magna Charta; inasmuch as it annulled the natural rights of British subjects, as set forth and consecrated by that celebrated instrument, which, it would seem from the argumentation of Sir Edward Coke and others, had been, with marvellous prevision, framed for the especial purpose of meeting the present exigency. Your patent,' said Sir Edward, then Speaker of the Commons, addressing himself to 'Lieutenant-governor Gorges'-' your patent contains many particulars contrary to the laws and privileges of the subject. It is a monopoly, and the ends of private gain are concealed under colour of planting a colony.' 'What!' exclaimed the indignant Speaker at another sitting, "shall none visit the sea-coast for fishing? If you alone are to pack and dry fish, you attempt a monopoly of the wind and the sun.' James was, of course, terribly wroth, and denounced parliaments and parliamentarians more bitterly than

ever; but his anger availed nothing, and the Council soon comprehended that one course only was open to them, if they wished to render their privileges at all profitably available, which was, to abandon entirely their preposterous claim to vicarious sovereignty, exclusive fishing-rights, &c., and confer on parties really capable of carrying on the work of colonisation-and if in favour with the parliamentary opposition, so much the better-a title to such lands as they might be able to plant and occupy within a reasonable period. An opportunity of acting upon this sensible resolve was not long in presenting itself.

For a long time, the growing ferment and discontents of the English Puritans, and their anxiety to escape from the persecutions to which they were exposed, had been taken advantage of by the Rev. Mr White of Dorsetshire, and other eloquent and enthusiastic men, to urge them on to a mighty effort at founding a great, English, Christian nation, in the dark and idolatrous regions of North America. Go out from amongst them, my people,' the apostles of the Puritan denomination everywhere iterated to willing audiences; be ye not partakers of their plagues. Carry the pure light of the Gospel to the benighted pagan wilderness, where the faithful few that have gone before are already prospering in the holy work. A change of times in England, predicted by some amongst us, is a vain dream, and, should you be beguiled thereby, will prove a delusive snare. In this reign, it is admitted you have nothing to hope; and what better may with reason be prophesied of that of Prince Charles, espoused to a Catholic wife, and supported, as he will be, by the nobility and gentry of two kingdoms.' Other, besides religious feelings, were appealed to, as the following extract from a publication, entitled Generall Considerations, in Answer to several Objections, on the Plantation of New England, curiously testifies:-"The land grows weary of her inhabitants, so that man, which is the most precious of all creatures, is here more vile and base than the earth they tread upon, so as children, neighbours, and friends, especially of the poore, are counted the greatest burdens, which, if things were righte, would be the highest earthly blessings. Hence it comes

to

passe, that all artes and trades are carried on in that deceitful manner and unrighteous course, as it is almost impossible for a good upright man to maintayne his chardge and live comfortably in any of them.' This declamatory reasoning was generally

acquiesced in; and an extensive emigrative association, chiefly from amongst the Puritans of Dorset, Devon, and Somerset, was zealously organised. Finally, an instrument, dated March 19, 1628, and entitled 'The Colony of Massachusetts Bay Patent,' was obtained from the Plymouth Council, by which 'all that part of North America which lies and extends between Merrimac River and Charles's River, in the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, and three miles to the north and south of every part of Charles's River, and three miles south of the southernmost part of the said bay, and three miles to

the north of every part of Merrimac River, and all lands and hereditaments whatsoever lying within the limits aforesaid, north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length and longitude of and within all the breadth aforesaid throughout the main land; thence from the Atlantic Sea, in the east part, to the Pacific Sea, in the west part,' was granted for the purpose of planting and settling,' to Sir Henry Rowsell, Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoate, John Humphrey, John Endicot, Simon Whitcomball gentlemen of Dorsetshire; and there were soon afterwards added to the list of the directorial committee the names of Winthrop, Dudley, Johnson, Bellingham, and others, all influential and generally wealthy men. This patent was confirmed under the Great Seal on the 4th of March 1629, by Charles I., a short time only before that monarch proclaimed his intention to rule without a parliament.

6

Neither this nor any other patent of the time conferred political or judicial power on the companies to whom they were granted. They appear to have been merely viewed as trading, joint-stock associations, to whom, for the furtherance of trade and commerce, it was deemed advisable to concede certain territorial rights and privileges; and yet, from the very first, the most exalted attributes, both legislative and judicial, were assumed, not only by the popularly elected governors of New Plymouth, but by the selfnominated magistrates of Massachusetts colony. The thoroughly oligarchical constitution' of Massachusetts, as concocted by those gentlemen, was, in its broad and simple outline, this: That the colony should be absolutely ruled by a governor, assisted by thirteen councillors, eight of whom, including the governor, were to be nominated by the Patentee Council, three others by those eight, and two by the general body of the colonists. This burlesque arrangement could not, in the nature of things, be permanent; and as it was not long before the powers of the Home Patent Government were transferred to the stockholders resident in the colony, a satisfactory settlement of the question was speedily and quietly brought about. Much stress continued to be laid upon the desirableness, the duty rather, of propagating the Gospel among the American aborigines. In illustration of this aim and view of the association, the colonial seal was an Indian erect, with arrows in his hand, and the words: Come and help me.' It was also over and over again declared, that the corner-stone, the vital principle, the very foundation of the colony of Massachusetts, was, in somewhat tautological phrase, "The freedom of liberty of conscience.' In what sense this

was understood by the leaders, lay and clerical, of the Puritans, we shall presently have to relate. There was quite a rivalry at the time in such high-sounding professions. George Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a recent convert to Roman Catholicism, having obtained a patent from the crown for planting Maryland-the name was chosen by Queen Henrietta-Maria, Charles's wife

as a refuge principally for his co-religionists, promised the freest toleration to all sects of Christian people. The oath which Lord Baltimore framed to be taken by himself and all succeeding governors of Maryland, was as follows: 'I will not by myself or any other, directly or indirectly, molest any one professing to believe in Jesus Christ, on account of his religion.' This, no doubt, excludes Jews and infidels; but, at all events, as far as it went, it was sacredly kept, and hence Maryland became the asylum not alone of Catholics driven out of England, but of Puritans escaping from Virginia.

As soon as the necessary means of transport were ready, John Endicot, a man of singular determination, but of far too fierce a zeal in religious matters, was despatched, with about 300 colonists. He owed the honour of this appointment to the unanimous opinion of his colleagues, that John Endicot was a fit instrument to commence this wilderness work.' He landed with his companions towards the end of June 1629, on the neck of land now called Charlestown-a bleak and dreary wild at that time—where he found an independent English colony of four persons-three brothers of the name of Sprague, and Waldron, a blacksmith, already located in a miserable hovel, the only habitation visible for miles around. John Endicot must have immediately perceived that if, as his friends at home flatteringly suggested, he had an especial aptitude for wilderness work,' there was unquestionable scope for the exercise of that precious gift before him. The first experience of the new-comers was nearly as disastrous as that of the earlier Pilgrims, notwithstanding that the Plymouth colonists afforded all the help in their power; but that, in a material sense, was of course trifling, poor, needy, and struggling as themselves still were. By the following year, 80 of the 300 had died, yet did not those left behind abate one jot of heart or hope. The work proceeded earnestly, though slowly; Salem, the first town in Massachusetts, and second in New England, was commenced, and no doubt was expressed or entertained of an ultimately successful issue to their high-reaching enterprise. In this spirit John Endicot wrote home, urging, in strong terms, the folly, the unreasonableness, the danger, the guilt of further procrastination.

In the spring of 1630, the main body of the first Puritan emigrants, about 1600 in all, including 180 servants, were ready for embarkation. A fleet of seventeen ships had been prepared, and nothing remained but to go on board, weigh anchor, and make sail for the West. Amongst this large draft from the English middle-classes, there was a slight sprinkling of English female nobility, as well as a goodly proportion of the gentry of the kingdom. Lady Arabella, the wife of Mr Isaac Johnson, the richest of the colonists, was the sister of the Earl of Lincoln; and the wives of John Humphrey, the Rev. Messrs Sharman, Bulkley, and Whiting, were daughters of noblemen: delicately nurtured as these ladies must have been, it was not amongst them that doubt,