remarks, he tells us,

To demonstrate to the candid and impartial reader, that the terms of the late treaty are just, honourable, and equitable: and that the ministers who concluded it, deserve the praise and gratitude, and not the disapproba tion and censure of their fellow citizens."

This is in a high degree accomplished by reprinting the treaty in an abridged form, and accompanying each article with appropriate defensive comments. Difficult articles to defend were the sixth and seventh; we shall reprint them with the appertaining justification.

VI. "The port of the Cape of Good Hope remains to the Batavian republic in full sove reignty, as it did previous to the war."

.

There was a minister of state phrase by no means synonymous with that of statesman -who, at the period of the conquest, or rather the capture of the Cape, declared, that the man who should dare to surrender back that settlement, whenever peace was concluded, OUGHT TO BE IMPEACHED.' Yet peace is concluded; the quondam minister has been reminded of this declaration, and the peace makers remain unimpeached.

This declaration partakes of the rashness and presumption of that famous address in the war of the succession, by which the crown was advised to listen to no terms of pacification, not founded on the basis of the restitution of the entire monarchy of Spain to the house of Austria, and of the equally famous vote in a subsequent war, by which it was declared, that no peace should be made with Spain till the pretended right of search in the American seas, was explicitly and unequivocally renounced. Yet the peace of Utrecht left the Spanish monarchy in the possession of the House of Bourbon; and that of Aixla-Chapelle contained not a syllable respect ing the right of search. When will vanity and presumption submit to learn lessons of moderation and discretion? Those who have exclaimed so vehemently in this and other instances, against the stipulations of the present treaty, seem to have taken for granted that England had it in her power to dictate

the terms of it;-an extravagant and ridicu lous supposition! The fact is, that we had no option but to relinquish the Cape, or to continue the war. Even had it been in our power to have retained the settlement, it is would have balanced the expense. As the extremely doubtful whether the advantage Cape is virtually declared by this article to be a free port, the advantage is wisely secured, unincumbered by the attendant expense.

VII. "The territories and possessions of her most faithful majesty are maintained in their integrity, such as they were antecedent to the war; with the exception of Olivenza and its district; part of the province of Alentejo eastward of the Guadiana, transferred to Spain by the treaty of Badajoz; and also of that part of Portuguese Guiana situated to the north of the river Arawari ceded to France."

"This proved the most contentious article in the treaty, and that which it was found most difficult finally to arrange and settle. explanation. It therefore requires some consideration and

According to the tenor of the preliminary articles, signed in London October 1, 1801, Portugal was to be maintained in its integrity. But whether that integrity was to be understood to refer to its state before, or subsequent to the treaty of Badajoz, then actually concluded, was not specified-perhaps not even agreed upon. But what greatly increased the embarrassment relative to that feeble and helpless kingdom, was the treaty signed between France and Portugal at Ma drid, within two days of the signing the preliminaries in London, conformably to which the whole of Portuguese Guiana, northward of the Orellana, or the river of Amazons, was ceded to France, together with the free navigation of that mighty stream. England had no express or exclusive authority to treat for Portugal; and if Portugal herself thought proper, for whatever reason, to relinquish any part of her territory, France might with great plausibility urge, that England had no right to interfere in order to prevent it. And, on the other hand, if England, as the victorious power, had a right to insist upon the cession of Trinidad from Spain, either by way of security or indemnity, Spain bad the same right to insist upon an indemnification from Portugal. In short, peace could not be ob tained unless Portugal made some sacrifices in order to purchase it.

"By the cession of the district of Olivenza, the river Guadiana became the boundary of that kingdom; and the loss of territory was so small, that the power of Portugal could scarcely be said to be diminished, or rather her impotency to be in any sensible degree increased by it.

"The cession to France was a matter of far greater consequence. By extending her territory to the Orellana, and acquiring the free navigation of that vast river, the founda

M. Chauvelin until the 31st; and even then Lord Grenville confined himself in it entirely to the unsatisfactory nature of the explanations offered by the French council to the objections they had themselves anticipated. The frank and clear explanation of his views,' instead of communicating through M. Chauvelin to France, he reserved to be communicated by Lord Whitworth to Russia. Now let us only suppose that Lord Grenville had opened to M. Chauvelin the substance of this dispatch of the 29th, instead of sending him the angry answer he did on the 31st, and will it then be denied that the country would have derived these three advantages from such a proceeding; first, that by a fair possibility, and supposing for the sake of argument ministers to have been pacifically inclined, it might have led to a re-establishment of the good understanding with France? Secondly, that it would have removed the chief difficulty in the way of future peace, by clearly ascertaining the object of the war? And thirdly, that we and the rest of Europe, if France had refused us the satisfaction required, would have found a common tie of alliance, and a principle of steady and vigorous co-operation?

"To have communicated these proposals to France, therefore, was not only the duty, but certainly would have been the policy of ministers, had they really intended to limit their warlike exertions to objects of a nature purely defensive, and those secured, fairly to leave France to the settlement of her internal concerns. For what would then have been

their conduct? Having to choose between two principles of war, they would have chosen in a manner so decisive and unambigu ous, as, in pursuing that for which they declared, to preclude the possibility of resorting afterwards to that which they disclaimed. The substance of the dispatch to Russia, therefore, instead of being coldly mentioned at that court, and that court only, where it appears to have died away in a whisper, would have been addressed to Austria, Prussia, and the German states, as offering the basis of an alliance on the condition of their renouncing in limine, all project of imposing a government upon France. Had this line been adopted and vigorously pursued by Great Britain, accompanied by explicit declarations that such, and such only, were the terms on which her ministers could consent to embark her in a continental war, what must have followed? Inevitably one of these consequences, that if France, upon notification of our terms, had accepted, and the German powers refused them, we should have remained most honourably at peace; or that if those powers had accepted, and France refused them, we should have had such an alliance against her, as Europe never yet assembled together against any danger, or any usurpation. That both France and the other powers would have rejected these terms for any length of time, supposing Great Britain to have been in earnest, will be believed by no man who recollects how many millions it has cost us during the late war, to bring even Austria into the field."

DURING war it always happens that the commerce of sea-ports flourishes more, and of inland towns less, than during peace.

The commerce of sea-ports, consists in the transfer of raw materials-hemp, timber, corn, coal, sugar, cotton, &c. The demand for such articles is increased during war, either by the direct waste and consumption of fleets and armies; or by the indirect wastes of maritime capture and detention, which renders necessary the accumulation of larger stocks in reserve for immediate consumption. Hence the demand for shipping to remove these articles in creases, freights, &c. rise, and all shipowners make larger returns and gains.

The commerce of inland towns consists in the manufacture of forbearable articles, cloths, and stuffs of wool and cotton, hosiery, hattery, cutlery, pottery, &c. The demand for such articles is diminished during war, either by

direct exclusion from the inimical countries, or by the indirect exclusion resulting from the poverty and desolation of the friendly belligerent countries, and from the heavier percentage, which even neutral customers incur for freights, insurance, capital.

convoy, and advance of

Hence it happens that every war can be made to appear to better the commerce of the country, by procuring, and printing, lists of ships that go and come; and by invoking the necessarily favourable testimony of the inhabitants of London, Liverpool, Hull, Cork, and the other sea-ports.

It also happens that every peace can be made to appear to better the commerce of the country, by procuring and printing the registers of those who levy excise-duties on articles manufactured for the foreign market, such as calicoes, porter, &c. and by invoking the necessarily favourable testimony of the inha

bitants of Manchester, Leeds, Nottingham, Birmingham, and the other seats of manufacture.

These are the regular resources of statistical sophistry: but our author is not yet fully master of them, and wanders so much from the straight road to proof, and from the promise of his titlepage, that one almost suspects the beginning of his pamphlet to have been planned for our consolation during war: and the latter part added in order to reconcile us to peace. Much stress is laid on estimates of exports and imports, Formerly exports were untaxed, and were probably overstated at the customhouse by the vanity of the merchant.

Imports all payed a duty, raw materials excepted, and were consequently understated. No reliance, therefore, should be placed on the precision of the old registered amounts: other statistical documents are annexed, which also ought not to be argued upon, without much previous discussion of the items.

The doctrine is taken for granted, at page 25, that high wages of labour are injurious to manufactures; whereas this increases the motive to substitute machinery for human labour, and thus eventually cheapens the manufactured article.

This pamphlet is thrown into the aukward form of question and answer.

THIS pamphlet is rather to be praised for the rationality and propriety, than for the novelty or eloquence of its sentiments. A short extract will suffice. "The spirit of practical and rational freedom which was once thought the vital principle of the British Constitution, has been artfully confounded with the licentiousness that would subvert it; and it is, I fear, a fact that cannot be denied, that many of those who profess the greatest attachment to the British constitution, can see nothing valuable in it, but what it has in common with the most despotic governments in Europe, and look with suspicion on those privileges which were once thought its greatest and most glorious distinction.--It can hardly be wondered at, when we consider how apt mankind are to go from one extreme to another, though it is to be lamented that many of those who were once the most enamoured of political theories, are now the advocates for principles whose tendency is

to banish all liberty from the earth; they expected to see a sudden and decided melioration of the state of society, from the effects of the French revolution, forgetting that every change in Europe which has produced any permanently beneficial consequences to mankind, (such as the abolition of the feudal system, the revival of learning, and the reformation) has been gradual in its operation, and has never been the immediate effect of a violent revolution: their disappointment has not only made them give up their for mer opinions, but induced them to acquiesce in the notion, that the whole sum of existing abuses is incapable of diminution, and is a necessary part of the order of things.

"It is impossible not to observe the progress which principles such as these have made in the public mind, within a few years, or that the alarm which has been propagated of the introduction of French principles, has produced in too many instances something worse than indifference to the genuine principles of the British constitution."

THIS sermon, for we know not why it is otherwise entitled, has considerable merit for warmth and zealotry of style, and for abundance of allusion to the Hebrew classics: it congratulates the people of Leicester on the termination ANN. REY. VOL. I.

of the war; not only for the reasons usually given, but also "because Christian missionaries will now have access, and meet with a cordial reception where they have been hitherto excluded."

Bb

FOR the purpose of dissipating that despondence which some politicians, either affectedly or really, indulge, the author of this pamphlet has taken a retrospect of public affairs from the peace of 1763; and endeavoured to show, that our present situation is not without parallel, and that our financial difficulties are not invincible. War he represents as a disease, necessarily leaving a considerable degree of weakness, after the symptoms of danger have disappeared; and requiring the gradual use of restoratives, as well as the aid of time. "There cannot be the least reason for supposing," he continues, "that what happened at the conclusion of the American war will not happen now; and there cannot be a shadow of doubt that the same measures of Government, adopted wisely, and temperately pursued, will, in aid of industry and capital, as completely restore the finances, and resettle the trade, commerce, and manufacture of the nation." He ridicules the apprehension which some persons entertain, that France will rival us in our manufactures, as well at home as abroad: and brings forward some evidence to shew, that France was never less likely

to become a manufacturing rival than at the present moment. Were she even to start with her former advantages, those advantages which she no longer enjoys, of cheap labour and abundant capital; yet it is contended that the chances are infinitely against her from the progress we have made during the war-in the mode of working our manufactures, in saving of expence, and in the accumulation of capital. Leaving trade and manufactures, our author glances at the state of agriculture, &c.; he tells us that no less than 1124 acts of parliament have been produced since the commencement of the war, for making roads, bridges, canals, harbours, inclo sures, draining, &c. and other local im provements; and that in the eight years preceding the war only 750 of these salutary acts were passed.

This is a strong fact, which proves that our attention is not to be diverted by external hostilities from profiting by those resources which are to be found within the bosom of our country.

The pamphlet gives, altogether, a consoling, and we trust not too flatter. ing, a view of our situation.

"THE office of prime minister," says Sully, "though at all times laborious, is not always loaded with difficulties: and the good fortune of those is to be envied who are called to it at a conjuncture, when the whole stream of affairs running on in a calm and regular course, they have nothing to do but sit quietly at the helm, and content themselves with a general inspection." Such might, if he had pleased, have been the good fortune of Mr. Addington. The successor of obnoxious men, his very entrance into office was hailed with congratulation; he was popular not positively, but comparatively. A sable cloud turned forth its silver lining on the night; and the light it cast was taken for inherent radi

ance.

Mr. Addington came into office the 14th March, 1801; but, instead of trusting to the gloss of new honours, he, already in a single month, had supported

Mr. Pelham's motion for a renewal of the bill which suspended the Habeas Corpus act; and had moved for the continuance of the sedition bills. In May he disqualified the clergy from sitting in parliament. In June he praised the wisdom and salutary effects of the income-tax. So much for the introductory session.

In the following October the prelimi naries of peace negociated between Lord Hawkesbury and Mr. Otto, were signed and made public. In disscussing the speech from the throne relative to this event, Mr. Windham objected to the terms of peace: Mr. Addington, in defending them, disclaimed all imputa tions of necessity which compelled the nation to any sacrifices. In November, he funded eight millions of exchequer bills; and announced the inadequacy of the civil list to its exigencies. He withdrew the restrictions on the distilleries,