country: they could not repay them selves the capital vested in their qualifications. Of course the health of the people suffers from the ignorance of rural practitioners. If a salary, with the annexed condition of promulgating useful information with regular publi city, were allowed by government to country surgeons, to one, suppose, in every hundred; the expence of an ace complished education, with a view to country residence, might safely be incurred. The loss of health from igno. rance is very considerable, especially in the poorer classes; and there would be

no injustice in levying a slight percen tage on the tythe, in behalf of a class of public instructors, a sort of medical establishment, who would assist the clergy in a branch of teaching, for which their education does not adapt them.

Other plans might be devised; but it will be quite soon enough to state them, when the next volume comes before us. Where a sluggish dread of innovation is mischievously held up as a virtue in a government, every proposal of reform is borne with unwilling civility, and crushed with private aversion.

THERE is no subject of investigation more important to the community than the poor-laws. The immense sums levied to produce so imperceptible a benefit have led some rash persons to infer, that the total absence of all legislative interference is most adviseable. The anarchic state of Ireland, which in a great degree results from the want of poor-laws, and the consequent extremities of distress there, is however a sufficient reason for avoiding, in the present infant state of benefit societies, to withdraw the public succour To the praise of presbyterianism be it observed, that wherever that form of church.discipline has been introduced, the attention of congregations to their respective poor has been found sufficient to render needless the interference of the legislature. Not in Scotland only, but in Holland and Geneva, the voluntary contributions of religious societies, and the dexterous adaptation of these contributions to the wants of the sufferer accomplished by the beneficent attentions of the priesthood, have scattered sufficient relief. But where the clergy are too wealthy to neighbour with the poor, and too wellbred to visit hovels, however efficiently they may contribute to the pleasures of polished society, to the instruction of cultivated minds, to the stability of the state and the ornament of the country, the more essentially and diffusively useful parts of their duty devolve on churchwardens and overseers. The author of this pamphlet is a meritorious exception to the frequent predilections of his order,

and bestows on the administration of parochial assessments, an intelligent and beneficent attention. He censures in the following terms the inequality of the burden,

"The inequality of rating, is a grievance, under which the country very generally and justly complains. It is for want of some clear, mandatory statute, respecting the mode

and extent of this kind of taxation, that the maintenance of the poor falls with extreme severity upon those, who are the least able to bear it; that is, upon persons who pay the largest rents for inferior occupations. This burden presses chiefly upon the landed property, while the commerciul, and trading interests, which create most paupers, are assessed but little towards their support. In many parts of the kingdom, furnished dwelvalue, both in the rental of the house, and ling houses are rated according to the full value of the goods, where they are occupied by a tenant; but when in the possession of the proprietor, the house only is assessed upon a small, imaginary rental. If a discre tion could be admitted, it should lean, for obvious reasons, in favour of the tenant.Although there can be no plea, in law, or equity, for an inequality of rating, after the adjudication in the case, the King v. Mast, yet the principle of this decision, is, in ma ny county sessions, not acted upon; and even in some, where fully admitted, it has again been departed from. Some positive, declaratory law, is therefore requisite, on this point. Much animosity and oppression would be prevented, by its being plainly stated, denominations explicitly detailed), and, in what is assessable property (under its various what manner it shall in future be assessed?— whether upon rental, (an erroneous practice, still much prevailing) or ad valorem, which is the only legal mode? This would put a stop

to vexatious, and expensive appeals, regulate the practice of all courts of quarter sessions upon one decisive principle, and prevent a clashing of adjudications, by some support ing assessments on the rentals paid, while others, more correctly, decide upon the exist ing value."

We do not agree with the reverend author in the sort of remedy he suggests for this very real grievance. Whatever taxes are laid on the rent of land, must be re-assessed by the grower of corn on the produce: so that the trading interest, which is here said to create most paupers, pays in the price of provision its full share of the tax. The hardship of the present assessment, is its falling as heavily on the small as on the large payer. If he, whose rental amounts to one hundred shillings yearly, pays one shilling quarterly to the poor, he, whose rental amounts to two hundred shillings, should pay, not two shillings quarterly, but more: the percentage levied, increasing with the rent of the occupation. This system of progressive taxation is obviously just; it is acted on in the case of the window-tax; it was acted on in the case of the inferior scale of the income-tax. Nor is it very probable that the trading interest creates most paupers. The proportion of paupers to self-sufficient persons, is larger in villages than in cities: the total population of villages, is larger than the total population of cities. The wages of labour in trading towns, suffice to maintain independently the whole year through, those who can get work. But the wages of labour in villages, do not suffice to maintain independently the whole year through, those who get work-so that without allow. ances of corn at an under price, of mealmoney, and the like, no rustic father of a family could continue to keep house. The trading interest assists to maintain the agricultural poor, by supplying jobwork, such as spinning, for the periods of leisure. But the agricultural interest does not assist at all to maintain the commercial poor: except in the case of lands contiguous to manufacturing towns, where suburbs sometimes confer a settlement in a parish of farms. In this case the increased profit which lands yield, in consequence of their vicinity, to great towns, is an ample compensa. tion for the heavier rates. The real cure for the woes of the poor, is to issue that in wages which is now issued in rates; to stimulate the migration of those

dis

bourers.

We are sorry to see an authority so respectable, so weighty as that of Mr. Dudley, countenancing the institution of district houses. Why should the cottager in any case be driven from his home? When his furniture is once sold, he is hardly ever able to stock a home again. Love and youth animated his industry, when by a long year of self-denial, he contrived to purchase the furniture of 2 kitchen and the nuptial bed. But these exertions will not be repeated by the hopeless indifference of age. The accuages and sexes mulation of persons of all in one dwelling, where of course the more improvident and profligate are first stationed, and most numerous, obliterates all sense of shame, all care of decency, all respect for virtue. The best are fa miliarized with the coarse language, and coarser deeds of the worst; and women withered in prostitution, still learn to blush at the enormities of a workhouse. If the poor can be fed cheaper collectively than apart, they cannot be lodged cheaper collectively than apart; it seems rational, therefore, at most to build din. ing-rooms and schools of industry. Pay for the work done by admission to the public table; make it an evening meal; and let those who are compelled to come and earn it, return each to his home at night. Separate the women and chil dren from the men; and relieve at home those only who cannot come to labour. On the old age of the soldier, or of the more useful veteran of industry, a gra tuitous admission might be conferred to the repasts in the parish prytaneum.

bave produced a proportionably diminished, rather than any increased amount of nominal

expence.

"In none of the foregoing sources, therefore, can the genuine cause of this increase be found. Is it then to be met with in the ameliorated condition of the poorer ranks, arising from an increased expenditure for that particular end in the improvement of their general aspect and situation-in the increase of industry and virtue among them-in the preventing or obviating of crimes, or in any other advantage resulting to the country on this account? The daily experience of every part of the kingdom furnishes a decisive negative to these enquiries.

"The increase must then have necessarily arisen out of one, or perhaps both, of the following causes; either that the number of the poor has increased in a proportion far exceeding the increase in the general population of the country; or that they must have increased materially in wretchedness, and thence have required these highly extended funds for their relief.

"Thus it appears that for the last century and a half, a very extensive increase in the number and wretchedness of the poor, and of expence on their account, has occured, without any apparent adequate cause; although, during the same period, commerce, manufactures, agriculture, and all our other ources of national industry, riches, and advantage, have increased and improved in an equally rapid and extensive degree."

It is thus the intelligent author introduces his subject: he investigates much at length, and with instructive detail, the deficiencies in the present system of law and management: he indicates in numerable grievances, and several corrigible abuses. He writes with persevering earnestness and feeling; like a man who has at heart the cause he undertakes, he does not advocate, he pleads it. His expression is abundant rather than redundant; the ampleness of his diction oftener results from throng of thought than plenty of words; his sentences are expanded with ideas, not merely dilated with terms. After a long but very interesting dissertation, the author brings forward the following specific plan of cure.

"Divide the kingdom (speaking at present only of England and Wales) into several convenient, say thirty, large districts; divide cach of these thirty into several, say four smaller districts; and these four again into several, say ten, still smaller districts; let the first class of districts represent (for this purpose) counties; the second class hundreds; and the last parishes; laying parts of Re into the other, as the conveniences of

locality, or other circumstances may suggest. Over each larger district, place a board of, say, three commissioners, with the necessary clerk, messengers, &c. over each of the four lesser districts, place also a board of, say, two commissioners, with the like assistants; and over each of the ten smaller districts, place one resident officer. Let the latter officers be under the immediate direction of the respective subordinate boards; let each subordinate board, be under the like controul of its superior or provincial board: then let there be one supreme national board, in London, consisting of such a convenient number of commissioners, as may be thought eligible, to controul or regulate the whole.

"From the latter board, all the necessary orders, information, instructions, suggest tions, &c. would be conveyed to the first class of boards; from the latter to the second class, and from thence to the respective resident officers, et e converso. All the various accounts would be also collected, examined and passed, through the same channels, from the lowest officers upwards; and lastly, the result of the whole would be annually reported, by the supreme board, to the king in council, and to each house of parliament; before each of whom, by an established routine, they would be made the subject of annual attention and consideration.

"Powers of visiting, examining into, and reporting every instance of neglect, mismanagement, or abuse, would be also given to the magistrates, the resident clergy, and such

other descriptions of persons as may be nishment, either in a summary way in infe thought expedient;-as also, powers of pu rior cases, or by more solemn forms in serious ones; and suitable powers of appeal to the aggrieved or discontented.

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Although, for the reason already suggested, it may be at least impolitic, if not impossible, to prescribe to these boards, any distinct fixed rules of conduct, as those must their respective districts, yet certain general depend on the particular circumstances of principles may be laid down, by which that conduct should be governed. Each of the several larger boards, and the lesser ones and their subordinate resident officers under them, may be required to make accurate surveys of, and examine fully into, the general circumstances, conditions and economy of each of be directed, in the first place, to the ascertain their several districts. Their attention might ing the best means of giving employment, under all the circumstances in which employment would be applicable; they would state the population, the occupations and the general condition of the inhabitants, and the state of agriculture and produce;-what manufactures exist; what others were applicable; and thence suggest in what way the industry of the district might be best directed; what new manufactories, storehouses, materials, implements, tools, machinery, &c. might be

advantageously introduced. They would next examine into and ascertain, what colla teral aids might be furnished, in schools for educating the young, in asylums for deserted or exposed children, and for the aged or debilitated who had no other refuge. As also houses for reclaiming the misguided or unfortunate of either sex; and infirmaries, and medical and chirurgical assistance for the maimed or diseased. They would also ascertain in what way other matters of relief, assistance, convenience or encouragement might be afforded in cloaths, food, tools, live or dead stock, materials for work, domestic utensils, comforts, facilities, or other wise; where public kitchens, warehouses, dormitories, schools, penitentiary houses or other institutions would be applicable. These, and all such other matters, connected with them, as circumstances might dictate, and all the observations occurring thereon, they might report, fully and distinctly, to their several superior boards; by whom the whole would be attentively examined, and all errors corrected; defects supplied; doubts obviated; and the whole made complete. The various circumstances of the different districts would be also compared ; their contrarieties reconciled; their several wants or facilities exchanged; and the whole suitably combined, and rendered mutually co-operative with each

other. All which, thus collected and arranged, would, in the supreme board, meet as it were in one centre, and be collected

into one focus.

"The supreme board would then compare, digest, and arrange the whole; and form such systems, and such arrangements, as the various circumstances of the respective districts might suggest: by the peculiar facilities of carriage and communication existing in this country, the various wants of one part of the kingdom would be supplied from the redundancies of another;-the manufactures of one part, be made subservient to the industry or convenience of another; and in general, from having the whole economy of the kingdom, at once under their view, they would be enabled to exchange, combine and direct its produce and industry, to the mutual assistance and advantage of the whole, and of each respective part.

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Having settled the various arrangements, and submitted them to the revision and consideration of parliament, the supreme board would from time to time direct the several necessary establishments; in the execution of which the same channels afford peculiar facilities; they would transmit their Instructions to each of the thirty superior provincial boards; by each of which the necessary directions would go to the respective subordinate boards; and from the latter, to the several resident officers, as the various circumstances night require; the execution of them would of course be controuled, watched, and inspected, by those several boards; and regular stated returns of their

proceedings would be made, through each of the several boards upwards to the supreme one, by whom they would ultimately be examined and regulated.”

We cannot help fearing from such a plan, that the business of maintaining the poor would become a mere job, a source of patronage to government, and of profit to petty contractors; and that, as soon as the novelty and parade of an institution exciting observation and expectation, was at an end, its agents would be found to sink into indolence, and to commit full as many errors as those whose short-lived authority sel dom survives the spirit of exertion. None but elective institutions have ever retained their administrative alertness long. To remove all the impediments to the rise of wages: to defend as much as can be from taxation, all objects of very popular consumption: to patronize colonization, and the exportation of the supernumerary poor, in order to diminish the competition between them, and thus to increase the usual recompence of their toil: to open the forbid den ground of Hindostan to promiscuous settlers, and to consider the expor tation of every freight of men as an immediate facilitation of the means of maintenance at home, and thus promoting earlier marriages, and purer manners, while it is preparing abroad an eventual demand for British manufac commerce preferably with those halftures: to pursue peace and treaties of peopled states, which reward labour high, whether directly or as a component part of commodities; and to consider, in short, as the aim and end of political society, the conferring on every sort of human labour, the highest possible recompense-these will be the efforts of benevolent and enlightened patriotism; these are the true roads to a diminution of the poor's rate. But to burden the country with the cost of new institutions, to allow salaries for doing that office negligently, which, inasmuch as it is elective, is now performed with ambitious alacrity, and which is only misconducted where it is become a patronage; and to commit all the paupers of the country, like the labouring population of Jamaica, to a sort of hired slave-drivers, can only tend to prepare new servile wars, and shake Great Bri tain with the earthquakes of San Do mingo.