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a government immaterial-reasons why the Austrians merit
the designation of a good government. William Cobbett's defini-
tion of "despotism" and "tyranny" adopted. Proofs that "the
Liberals" established "despotic" governments in France under
Louis Philippe. Proofs adduced from "Liberal" writers.
Results-the misery of the working classes

...

121

The Hungarian Revolution. The author states his reasons
for sympathising with the Croatians. Ireland treated like
Croatia. A witness to the persecution, in Vienna, of Nuns and

Redemptorists by "the Liberals"- the allies of the Hungarians.

The author encouraged to defend the Austrians against popular

prejudice by the example of America. The views of the

"American Democrats" referred to. The justification of a war

to be sought in its causes, not in its success. The condition of

the poor, and their treatment, the test instituted to decide

between the Austrians and the Hungarians. The Magyars a

minority of the population. Absolute power of the Magyars in

their respective counties. Condition of the peasantry under

the Magyars-the numerous oppressions practised on them

by the Magyars. Efforts made by the House of Austria to

improve the condition of the poor in Hungary-counteracted by

the nobles. Opening of the Diet in 1847. Proposition of the

Austrian government for relieving the peasantry of the burdens

to which they were then subject-for municipal reform-for

facilitating the sale of landed property—for the improvement of

commerce, opening railroads, &c. Rejected by the Magyars.

Ambitious demands of the Magyars-refuse to aid the poor of

Hungary, though suffering from fever and famine. Kossuth's

tyrannical bill for preventing the Croatians from using their

own language. The Magyars defend it by the treatment of

Ireland and Wales by England. The Magyars imitate the Eng-

lish Liberals in the spoliation of the Church, and in the system

of education which they establish. Austria saved from destruc-

tion by the confidence she reposes in the poorer classes of

society. Conclusion

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36

A TRUE ACCOUNT

OF THE

HUNGARIAN REVOLUTION.

PART I.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

CHAPTER I.

To assert the truth: by its assertion and its proof to vindicate the cause of those who are wrongfully maligned, and to expose the misdeeds of those who are unjustly praised. Such are the objects contemplated in the publication of the following pages.

The task is here undertaken of battling with a popular. political prejudice; of seeking to counteract it; of endeavouring to destroy it.

Truth wears not the garb of a peculiar sect: it speaks in the language of every country. It is the birth-right of the honest: the test of virtue. Let it be but told and listened to, and the tyrant will be denounced, the hypocrite exposed, the knave scorned. There is but one foe that for any length of time can contend against it with success, and that is deeply-rooted prejudice; for "prejudice is a deadly enemy to fair investigation: it has neither eyes nor ears for justice: it hears and sees everything on one side, and to refute is to exasperate it. When it predominates, accusation is received as evidence, and calumny produces conviction."

The writer of these pages belongs to a religion that is, at this moment, the object of violent persecution. He is conscious that persecution is envenomed by the virulence of popular prejudices. He is aware that those prejudices are attributable solely to the falsehoods that have been

circulated against his religion, and that have been so constantly repeated against it, that they are supposed at last to be truths. He believes, that, few instances have occurred in which the false statements having been detected by the sincere enquirer into truth, that not only were the preconceived prejudices removed, but he who had previously cherished them, was changed from a persecutor into a convert. Hence, even in the midst of persecution, there is hope hope that the creed so persecuted shall yet be triumphant.

Those who are suffering by the propagation of what they know to be falsehoods, and the maintenance of what they feel to be unjust prejudices, will, it is supposed, be the most willing to listen to an appeal made to their reason, and their justice, against prejudices in which they themselves participate. The endeavour is therefore made to induce them at least to hear patiently what can be said respecting that Hungarian Revolution, in which they, in common with the vast majority of the British empire, have sympathised. In the course of the investigation to which they are invited, they may, perchance, discover that the same elaborate machinery of falsehood which crushes them as victims, has contrived to present to the world the chieftains of the Hungarian Revolution as "heroes!" and as "patriots!"

Various classes in this empire have regarded, and still consider, the defeat of the Hungarians in their rebellion against the Emperor of Austria, as a great calamity. Amongst those classes entertaining such a conviction, may be reckoned the Roman Catholics in England, and the Roman Catholics in Ireland.

First, the Roman Catholics in England who have fancied that the Magyars were fighting in defence of a constitution (like to the ancient constitution of England), which had been destroyed by the Austrian emperor, and in its place a pure despotism substituted: that the Hungarians were fighting for liberty, and the Austrians against liberty.

Second: the Roman Catholics in Ireland, who have, for centuries, been subjected to a small dominant race of invaders," aliens in blood, in language, and in religion;" they who have ever been treated as conquered enemies, and who have been doomed to endure a state of serfdom:

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