CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY OBSERVATIONS.

We now approach an epoch in the history of political literature, of an altogether different cast from what we have hitherto noticed. This is a period of remarkable mental activity; and books of politics, of every variety of form and matter, press upon us from all sides, and solicit our attention and criticism.

There are three great leading events, besides several minor ones, which come across the path of this historical portion of political science, and which gave a remarkable impetus to the spirit of mental inquiry generally; but particularly to matters connected with the civil rights and privileges of mankind. These events are the Protesant Reformation; the Revival of Letters in Europe; and the Discovery of Printing. These are, conjointly, of such a weighty and comprehensive character, and their ramifications and bearings on the intellectual pursuits and social condition of mankind are so various, that they eclipse or overshadow all the other mere secondary causes which mingle themselves with the general results. The first element of change excited the religious spirit to its highest pitch; the revival of letters brought before the ordinary mind of Europe all the political knowledge and

speculation of the early days of Greece and Rome; and the establishment of printing multiplied, to an indefinite extent, the mental labours of authors and politicians of every grade and cast.

The causes of this change have been commonly ascribed, by most English writers, to the gradual influence of several circumstances which took place at this period in the history of Europe. Most of the monarchical institutions had been vastly upon the increase for a century, in consolidating and augmenting their absolute power over the people; and this had obtained such a pitch in many countries, and had directly led to so many and such grievous acts of cruelty and political oppression, that a spirit of opposition was kindled amongst the mass of the people, and this vented itself in the publication of works breathing a decided hatred to tyrannical rulers of all grades, and showing the justice and policy of dethroning them, and even putting them to a violent death. In many of the treatises that will come before us we shall find that no terms were kept with despotic kings or rulers; but the doctrines of open rebellion and direct and speedy vengeance were uncompromisingly advocated and enforced. The existence of these productions must be taken as an infallible proof that the majority of the people of Europe were suffering great political hardships and wrongs; and that the ordinary exercise of monarchical power was regulated by no principles of justice and equity.

The Reformation was a momentous political element; it gave a powerful and new impulse to the popular mind throughout the whole of Europe. The transition was quite easy and natural, from investi

gating the moral government of the Deity, and subjecting the political institutions of men to a most rigid examination; they mutually reflected additional light on each other. The subjugation of sacerdotal power stimulated the people to endeavour to get rid of all social and public grievances; and the sacred writings afforded them examples without number, where efforts of this description were fully and unequivocally sanctioned by the divine countenance and command.

Up to the period of the termination of the fourteenth century, we have traced, in the preceding volume, the gradual formation of the ultra-montane doctrines of the catholic church-that it ought to be considered as the sole arbiter of what was politically good and expedient in every country where its power and influence were formally recognised and established. The subordinate political principles involved in the discussion of this general axiom of social philosophy had been fully developed; and every argument, and every illustration, had been employed which the most subtile and able minds, during many centuries, had been able to suggest. This dogma of christian supremacy was one of the infallible canons of the faith of mankind; and it was not only firmly rooted in their minds as a speculative truth, but its practical fruits were everywhere present to the senses, in all civil ordinances and rules of law, and the modes and customs of social life. The political power of the papacy was an ever present reality in the minds of men. It had battles to fight, controversies to settle, enemies to silence, and new converts to strengthen; but notwithstanding all these things were going on in the bosom of the

church, it was still gaining ground as a political engine, embracing within its sweeping range everything in the shape of independent thought and public opinion on matters of secular interest and importance; and one generation of able and studious men passed to the tomb after another, without ever having the slightest conception that such a thing as a political science could exist, beyond the pale of the clerical hierarchy. But the extreme length to which the doctrine of papal civil supremacy had been pushed, naturally created a reaction against it. The reason of men felt the dogma revolting to common sense. Opposition to it, however, did not altogether take its rise from purely political sources, for it was materially assisted by questions and disputes, both as to religious doctrine and ritual. These formed the spark which ignited the inflammable materials promiscuously strewed about throughout the kingdoms of Europe. Hence we find that the first regular attacks on the power of Rome were of a theological cast; but these were soon followed by another series of a decidedly political and civil character.

Throughout the entire mass of political writings, comprised in the period of history now under consideration, there are two grand doctrines pervading nearly the whole of them, like the leading arteries in the animal body, conveying life and energy to the whole frame. These are, liberty of conscience, and the right of resistance to constituted authorities; the one aiming a direct blow at the power of the church, and the other at all regularly constituted governments, and civil communities. These two ideas, possessing a certain logical and philosophical relation to each