Lourable friend (Mr. Wilberforce), which he said was the most unprovoked attack he had ever heard. It was rather extraordinary, because his honourable friend complained that certain members did not give their hearty support to the measures proposed, that the honourable gentleman on the other side of the house should make a direct and violent attack against his honourable friend, as if he had been convinced that the insinuation had been thrown out against him. The honourable gentleman had not been so warm in the important cause of the defence e country as his honourable end; for, though he had not objected to the plan under discussion, one might, with great consistency, suppose, that his opinion in favour of it was too lukewarm. With respect to the honourable general's opinion as to the exact manner of defending the country, he would not pretend to discuss that point at present. The honourable general had alluded to the impracticability of driving away from the coasts the cattle of the farmers; he did not understand from him that we ought not to drive away the cattle in case of an invasion; but if he meant to say it ought not to be done, Mr. Pitt said he was the more surprised that the general should entertain an opinion of that kind, because from experience, as a military man, he ought to have known that it was expedient and necessary. The chancellor made also some remarks on what had fallen from an benourable member relative to the coercion in Ireland, who had compared the state of that country to that of Switzerland, and had endeavoured to show that the want of unanimity among the people of that confederacy had produced those

misfortunes in which they were at present involved, and had thus laboured to prove that similar calamities impended over this country. The honourable gentleman, he said, should know, that the British parliament, and the British government, during the whole of his present majesty's reign, had shown every indulgence, and granted every possible favour to that country. "The hon. gentleman speaks said Mr. Pitt) of conciliation with Ireland: does the honourable gentleman mean, that we should make every concession, and every sacrifice, to traitors and rebels? to men who are industriously propagating the most dangerous principles, wantonly seducing and deluding the ignorant multitude under the specious pretence of parliamentary reform ? No! the only measure of safety we can adopt, is a vigorous system of opposition to those who would completely destroy the country." He concluded by saying, he trusted that the example of Switzerland, that brave, but unhappy people, would animate this country to vigorous and necessary exertions, that we might avoid those misfortunes into which they had unfortunately fallen.

Leave being given to bring in the bill, it was accordingly presented, and ordered to be read a second time the next day.

On Wednesday, March 28, the chancellor of the exchequer moved the order of the day for the second reading of the bill relative to the defence of the nation, and to indemnify persons who might suffer in their property by such measures.

The bill was then read a second time, and on the following day the house resolved itself into a committee to consider of the same bill.

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Mr. secretary Dundas said, that since the bill had been before the house, he had endeavoured to alter it according to various suggestions he had received-he did not know whether those alterations would come fully up to the desires of those who proposed them. However, he observed, that as the service required by the bill was to be wholly voluntary, he proposed to omit the exceptions in favour of particular persons.

Mr. Tierney declared himself extremely anxious not to disturb that unanimity which appeared so general in favour of the measure; yet he could not admit it to pass precisely in the form in which it stood: he approved of the service being voluntary, but he apprehended that the bill, as it was worded, would, without using actual compulsion, do worse; for it would put those who did not enter in a very indivious situation. There were many situations in life which rendered it impossible for men to attend in order to be regularly trained and arrayed, who, when, real danger approached, would be found to be as cordial and zealous as any others. He wished the service to be voluntary, and that the measure should go so far, as that the king should know what number, and of what description, he should call upon, distinguishing those whowere willing to come forward immediately; as it was, one man, he said, would come forward in glowing language of zeal to offer his services, while another, not less zealous, would be branded with the imputation of coldness to the cause. This, then, was the only part to which he had any positive objection, as, in his opinion, it would have a tendency to create invidious distinctions.

Mr. Dundas said, that the hon. gentleman (Mr. Tierney) would see, on consideration, that the bill must remain as it was, or it would have no effect. Having said so much, he would add, that if there was any difference as to the provisions, it was not owing to any difference of spirit. But if the provisions were otherwise, the commanding officer of any district would not know how to apply. But in order for a commander to know what he was to expect from the volunteers, they must first ascertain the nature of their services; and this could only be done by a return of the lord-lieutenant of the particular state, that there were such a number of persons for such a purpose, and so forth: but if left at a loss, as to the distribution, a considerable part of the benefit would be lost. In order, however, to obviate Mr. Tierney's objections, he had left out all that related to the publication of names on the church doors, with which

Mr. Tierney now declared himself satisfied.

On Saturday, March 31, Mr. Douglas brought up the report of the committee on the bill for the defence of the nation, when

Mr. secretary Dundas proposed several additional clauses which were agreed to.

The solicitor-general proposed a clause to empower the deputy lieutenants to make compensation to the clerks, &c. to be paid by the receiver-general of the land tax in the county and after some conversation, it was agreed, that no expences should be paid, unless confirmed by a general meeting of the county.

Mr. Dundas said, he that morning received several letters from farmers in the county of Kent,

stating

stating their willingness to serve in various capacities against the enemy, in case of invasion. However, he said, they were desirous to be called out only upon such emergency as might induce the commanding officer of the district to drive cattle, remove property, &c. Therefore, on the third reading of the bill, he should move for a clause to accommodate the farmers, by not calling them out except in cases of real necessity.

The report being then agreed to, Mr. Hussey expressed a wish that the bill, with its amendments, should be printed. He was fearful, he said, that the alterations which were made would have a tendency to destroy that energy which it was at first calculated to inspire.

Mr. Dundas said, the alterations were, in his opinion, only such as were necessary; and begged Mr. Hussey then to state in what manner be thought such an injurious effect was like to be produced?

Mr. Hussey replied, that he was not then prepared to state any thing on the subject, but thought it adviseable that the bill should be printed.

Mr. Dundas, understanding from the speaker that the printing of the bill would be no delay to its passing, said he should move, that it be printed and read a third time on Monday next, if then engrossed.

On the motion of the third reading of the bill, more effectually to provide for the security of the nation, &c.

Mr. Nicholls said, he would not resist the demand of the additional powers about to be granted by this bill; but, desired that it might be understood, he concurred in it solely on the ground that these additional powers were necessary for ar defence that if the minister

availed himself of this bill, to detach a part of our regular army to enforce a system of coercion in Ireland, his concurrence to this bill was procured by deception.History had shown us that all attempts to coerce free men, who complain of their rights being violated, have been uniformly ineffectual.

(Mr. Nicholls was here called to order by Mr. Banks.)

The speaker, however, observed, that he thought the honourable gentleman perfectly regular, otherwise he would have called him to order.

Mr. Nicholls then proceeded, by observing, that if those powers were wanted for the defence of the realm, he assented to the grant; but if for the coercion of Ireland, he thought it his duty to resist the demand. The king had lost six millions of subjects in America by the folly of former ministers.

Mr. Nicholls was now called to order by the speaker, as digressing into the American war. But he apologised, and again proceeded, and made some farther remarks relative to coercion in Ireland; but was called to order, and sat down.

The chancellor of the exchequer observed, that if the honourable gentleman who had just sat down was not disorderly, his observations, at least, were superfluous, as Ireland was not so much as hinted at: for his part, he would never suffer any gentleman to carry his ignorance so far as to indulge wantonly the most mischievous misrepresentations relative to Ireland, and to represent men in open rebellion as struggling for the enjoyment of their legal rights. Was that honourable gentleman duly aware, that while he thus spoke of relaxing the just severity of government against such

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men as he had described, he was only encouraging the apostles of the Rights of Man, who, after the imitation of France, were spreading through every part of Ireland, carnage, bloodshed, and devastation, he would be rather disposed to strengthen the hands of government, by which alone this daring and outrageous spirit could be sup pressed, than contribute to give it

countenance.

Mr. Nicholls rose to explain; but as he digressed into the state of Ireland he was reminded by the speaker that it was not explanation.

The chancellor of the exchequer then brought up a clause, enacting, that all those who should enrol themselves in volunteer corps should not be called out but in case of actual invasion, or in case of real danger, &c.

This clause was added to the bill, which was then read a third time and passed.

On Friday the 20th of April, the same subject was agitated in the house of lords.--On that day a message was brought down from his majesty of the same tenor as that to the house of commons; viz. to enable his majesty to provide more effectually for the defence of the

nation.

Lord Grenville then rose and remarked, that the message so fully explained the points to which the attention of their lordships was directed, that he should say but a very few words in support of the address to his majesty which he had to propose. Their lordships were now called upon to give another pledge to the principles which they had professed, and to demonstrate that their spirit and energy rose with the danger to which they were exposed. In guarding against the open hostility of an enemy abroad,

their lordships would likewise extend their vigilance to check the hopes which they might entertain from their abettors at home. He should say nothing farther, therefore, in support of the address. The measure which he meant to propose after the address was disposed of, was one which their ancestors had often adopted in cases of far less urgency and danger than the present. He should therefore content himself with moving the address.

The question being then put, it was carried nemine dissentiente.

Another measure of precaution, which ministers thought it necessary to adopt in the course of the session, was the revival of the alien bill.-On the 29th of March, the bill was introduced to the house, in an amended state, by the solicitorgeneral; who again, on the 19th of April, moved the order of the day upon that bill; which being read, the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole house.

The secretary at war began by remarking several of the vulgar prejudices which gentlemen ought to guard against on the present subject relative to foreigners. Thus, there was a very prevalent error concerning every foreigner, that he must be a Frenchman, and that every Frenchman must of necessity be an emigrant. Thus, it had been stated in the house, that a person had been apprehended who was neither a Frenchman nor an emigrant, and, as it turned out, had not been guilty of any crime. There were other mistaken opinions; thus, some were apt to see in emigrants nothing but persons coming into this country in distress; and in this view it was surely no light matter to expel persons merely because they were distressed, not

from

from mere surmise or fancied apprehension of danger. But in his opi'nion the emigrants ought to be considered as men who had made great sacrifices for their loyalty and attachment to their ancient government: many of them were the respectable representatives of all that remained of the clergy, nobility, magistracy, and proprietary of the land; therefore had a claim to be considered not merely as suffering individuals, but also in their collective and representative capacity, which was of greater consequence. He thought the country bound, not upon light grounds, not to withhold that asylum and assistance they had hitherto received from this country; for that would be putting them in a worse situation than if they had never been taken under our protection. Those who wished the expulsion of the emigrants, did so merely from an apprehension of danger to this country. He would ask, what instance could be produced during the long period of the present war of these emigrants proving untrue, or betraying whatever trust was reposed in them? They composed a part of the army of the duke of York, upon the continent: had they proved betrayers of their trust then, or been deficient in their duty? He also made some remarks on their conduct in the corps of Rohan, of la Chatre, of Montalembert, and of the army of the prince of Condé, where, he observed, whole ranks were to be found composed of persons who had been loaded with honours for their services. He did not doubt but some worthless characters might be found amongst the emigrants, as was the case in every community; but this did not extend to the general body, in many of whom, he meant the French nobility, he could place all

possible confidence with regard to his own life, and, what he did not value less, the safety and honour of his country. He concluded, by saying, he hoped the wisdom and prudence of that house would not give countenance to the impression, that in case of invasion, the French emigrants would turn upon their benefactors. Were this impression to gain ground, it might endanger the safety and lives of this unfortunate description of persons.

Mr. Tierney rose to repeat his reasons relative to having voted for the suspension of the habeas corpus act, and said, when a message came from his majesty, stating that a correspondence existed between certain persons in this country and France, a man would pause before he voted for a measure which has the effect of depriving the public for a time of one of the great bulwarks of freedom; but under this administration, and under the present circumstances of this country, he had voted for the suspension of the habeas corpus act, wishing, however, not to strengthen administration, but the executive government. Mr. Tierney next made some pointed remarks on the conduct of the secretary at war, which, he said, was the inost inhuman he had ever witnessed before, viz. to Mr. O'Connor, a gentleman, with whom he had long lived in terms of the greatest friendship; "and I will say, (said Mr. Tierney,) that I never met a more intelligent man in my life, or a better friend to the constitution. With respect to the brother of Mr. O'Connor, who was confined in Ireland under a very serious charge, and who was brought to trial, no witnesses appeared, nor was the shadow of a proof adduced against him. The learned judge before whom he was

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