under circumstances of such great importance. Let civil discords be appeased: let dissensions be silent at this moment, in which the great interests of nations are to be discussed. Be united, from the north of France to the Pyrennees, and from La Vendée to Marseilles. Who is he that, born on the soil of France, whatever may be his party and political opinions, will not range himself under the national standard, to defend the independence of the country? Armies may Armies may in part be destroyed, but the experience of all ages, and of all empires, proves that an intrepid nation, combating for justice and liberty, cannot be vanquished.

"The emperor, in abdicating, has offered himself a sacrifice; and the members of the government devote themselves, in accepting from your representatives the reins of state. "The Duke of OTRANTO. "T. BERLIER, Secretary.

"June 24."

The sentence in which this production deelares that the young Napoleon is proclaimed, produced a debate in the chamber of peers, in which prince Lucien opened the discussion. "We have to consider," said he, "how civil war is to be avoided. Is France an independent or free nation? The emperor is dead: let the emperor live. The emperor has abdicated: let the emperor reign. There can be no actual interval between the emperor who dies, or abdicates, and his successor. Such is the maxim which forms the foundation of a constitutional monarchy. All interruption is anarchy. I move that, in conformity with the constitutional act, which has been for the second time sanctioned by the chamber of peers, that we recognise Napoleon II. as the emperor of the French. I shall give the first example, and swear fidelity to him. If a factious minority should attack the dynasty and the constitution, it is not in the chamber of peers that traitors will be found. It is not in that chamber that factions will be supported."

The proposition was supported by many of the members, but was strenuously opposed by count Pontecoulant. This respectable senator was nobly descended. At the breaking out of the revolution he was sub-lieutenant in the body-guards, of which his father

was major. He espoused the popular cause with all the violence of youthful ardour, and underwent considerable persecution from his family on that account. He was elected a member of the national convention for the department of Calvados. He there connected himself with the enlightened and patriotic advocates of rational and moderate liberty. He voted that the king was guilty, but proposed that he should be imprisoned until a general peace, and then banished. When the mountain party prevailed, he narrowly escaped the destruction in which the leaders of the liberal party were involved, and made his escape from Paris. After the deserved fall of Robespierre he resumed his seat in the convention, and gained much credit for the zeal with which he defended the colleagues of the monster who had so lately thirsted for his blood. In that he was assisted by Carnot, and they succeeded in laying that spirit of re-action which threatened to deluge France with blood.

Under the directory he was elected a member of the council of five hundred, and distinguished himself by his watchful and zealous opposition to every arbitrary and unjust measure. When he perceived the despotism at which the directory aimed, he was so deeply implicated in a plot to overthrow them and preserve the liberties of his country, that he was sentenced to be deported to Cayenne, with Pichegru and Barthelemy.He again effected his He again effected his escape, and never afterwards deemed it prudent to resume his seat in the council.

Buonaparte knew how to estimate his worth, and recalling him from his retirement, appointed him prefect of Brussels, which situation he filled during many years, with honour to himself, and advantage to those over whom he presided. He was equally beloved and respected by all parties, and was one of the very few who have passed through the various stages of the revolution, and taken an active part in them, without one stain on his honour.

In 1805 he was appointed senator, and on the return of Louis created a peer. This selection gave universal satisfaction. Towards the latter part of the short reign of Louis he took little share in the discussions of the T÷

peers. He deeply lamented the folly of the court, and the ill-concealed intentions of the royal family, and would not sanction those proceedings whose evident tendency was to prepare the way for the establishment of the ancient despotism. He shared in the general uneasiness, but no one has accused him of being implicated in any plot against the state, or of being privy to the design of recalling Napoleon.

He was one of the peers of Napoleon, and in the short sessions of that parliament still shewed himself the determined friend of justice and liberty. The opposition which he led in this debate against the proposal of Lucien does him credit. He was afterwards appointed one of the commissioners to treat with the allied powers for peace. The friends of their country lamented to see his name erased from the list of peers when Louis re

turned from Ghent.

The following is an accurate copy of his speech on the present occasion:

"It is painful to me to give an opinion in opposition to the last speaker. What I would not have said during the prosperity of the emperor, I shall now state when adversity has struck him. Napoleon is my benefactor. I am indebted to him for every thing. I remained faithful to his person until he released me from the obligations of my oath, and gratitude for his benefits will bind me to him until I draw my last breath. But it is proposed that we should act in a manner contrary to the practice of every deliberative assembly. If I rightly understood what was said, it is wished that we should adopt a proposition without deliberating on it. But I ask the prince by what title does he speak in this chamber? Is he a Frenchman? I cannot recognise him as such. I should doubtless be ready to own him as a Frenchman, on account of his sentiments, his talents, and the services he has performed for liberty and national independence. I wish to adopt him as a Frenchman, but he who invokes the constitution has no constitutional title. He is a Roman prince, and Rome forms no part of the French territory. Lucien.—“I wish to reply to what is personal to myself."

Pontecoulant."You may reply when I

have concluded. Respect, prince, the equality of which you have often set an example.The preceding speaker has advanced an inadmissible proposition. We cannot adopt it without renouncing public esteem, without betraying our duty, and the country whose safety is placed in our hands. The first thing to be considered is, whether, when a resolution has passed one chamber, and been adopted by the other, it can be changed by one of the fractions of the legislative authority, while the only question is its execution. The deliberation of this morning is conformable to the laws, to the emperor's declaration, and to the interests of the French people.What is it that is proposed? The proclaiming of Napoleon II. I am far from objecting to that course, but I firmly declare that, great as is my respect for the emperor, I cannot recognise an infant for my king, or one residing out of France as its sovereign. In such a situation some old senatus consultum would soon be revived. We should be told that the emperor was to be considered either as a foreigner or a captive, that the regency was foreign or captive, and another regency would be formed, which would light up a civil war. I propose that the question be taken into consideration, unless it be of such a nature that it may be put aside by the order of the day, which prejudges nothing. A factious minority has been mentioned.Where is that factious minority? Are we who wish for peace the factious? I am far from supposing that it can be a minority which thinks it right to reject a resolution which would shut the door against negocia tion, and which would tend to make us recognise as a sovereign an individual who is not in France. I move that the chancellor do either proceed to the discussion, or pass to the order of the day."

Lucien." If not in your's, I am in the eyes of all the nation a Frenchman.-The moment that Napoleon abdicated, his son succeeded him. All that is to be done is to publish a simple declaration. There is no ground for any deliberation. The emperor has abdicated in favour of his son. We have accepted his sacrifice. Are we now to make him lose the fruit of that sacrifice? We want not the opinion of foreigners. In recognis

ing Napoleon II. we shall do our duty. We call to the throne him whom the constitution and the will of the people have already called to that station."

Boissy d'Anglais also delivered his sentiments. This person was born at Anonnay in 1756, and was an advocate of the parliainent of Paris, and maître d'hotel to monsieur, now Louis XVIII. He is a man of letters, and in early life distinguished himself for some excellent papers presented to the academy of inscriptions. He was successively member of the constituent assembly, the national convention, and the council of five hundred. He was named a peer of France by Louis XVIII. and afterwards by Napoleon. He was some time president of the convention, and his conduct in that situation cannot be justified. He was president on the day in which his colleague Ferrand was assassinated. He was the author of the preliminary discourse to the constitution of the year 3.

his son.

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"I foresaw," said he, " the difficulty which has arisen, but I expected that our decree of this morning would have averted it. Have we not had enough of foreign war, and is it wished to give us civil war also. Let us not divide ourselves. We accepted the abdication unanimously. The only thing now to be done is to appoint a provisional government. I hope we shall be able to stop the progress of the foreigner, but we must not risk the chance of treating with him." Labedoyere." I repeat what I said this morning. Napoleon abdicated in favour of If the chamber of peers-if that of the representatives, do not proclaim Napoleon II. the abdication is null and void. I have heard voices surrounding the throne of the prosperous sovereign, but they withdraw from it, now that he is in misfortune. There are persons who will not acknowledge Napoleon II. because they wish to receive the law from foreigners, to whom they give the name of allies. The abdication of Napoleon is indivisibly connected with the succession of his son. If his son be not recognised he ought to draw his sword, surrounded by Frenchmen who have shed their blood for him, and who are still covered with wounds. He will be abandoned by some base generals

who have already betrayed him. The emperor owes this to the nation. We have abandoned him once; shall we abandon him a second time? We have sworn to defend him even in his misfortunes. If we declare that every Frenchman who quits his standard shall be covered with infamy-shall have his house rased, and his family proscribed, we shall then have no more traitors; no more of those manoeuvres which have occasioned the late catastrophes, and soine of the authors of which perhaps sit here."

A great tumult now arose, and universal cries of Order! Order!

The prince of Essling." Young man, you forget yourself!"

Lameth." You forget, general, that you are no longer in the guard-house.” Labedoyere." Hear me !"

Valence." I will not hear you until you have disavowed what you have said." Labedoyere." It was not to you, count, that I referred."

Here the tumult increased, and the voice of Labedoyere was drowned amidst violent exclamations. The president covered himself, and tranquillity was at length restored.

Cornudet spoke next. He was an advo cate before the revolution, a member of the legislative assembly, and afterwards of the council of ancients in 1797. He was afterwards concerned in the 18th Brumaire, which invested Buonaparte with the supreme power. For this Napoleon was grateful, and bestowed on him many honours and emoluments. It should be added that Cornudet, though zealously attached to his benefactor, was no servile instrument of tyranny, and sometimes had the boldness publicly to oppose the arbi trary measures of Napoleon. By a curious coincidence, he was created a peer by Louis on June 4th, 1814, and recreated by Napoleon June 4th, 1815. His name is now erased from the list of peers.

The following are the most remarkable passages of his speech:-"We are disputing on words. The members of the chamber recognise the abdication of Napoleon. They will also record the claim of prince Lucien. That precaution will suffice to guard the rights of Napoleon II.-but he is out of France. To speak plainly, he is a prisoner

Under these circumstances what ought to be done? What does the public safety and the national independence require? The estarequire? The establishment of a provisional government, capable of adopting measures for the public safety." The suggestion was adopted, a provisional government was appointed, and the question respecting the succession of Napoleon dismissed by passing the order of the day. It was with the utmost astonishment that the Parisians saw their senators engaged in discussions of abstract theory, or frivolous points of form, when active preparations to oppose the progress of the invaders were indispensably necessary, and observed with deep regret that Napoleon apparently despaired of the safety of the capital. The populace once more assembled in crowds, and proffered their services against the common enemies of Napoleon and themselves; but as his acquiescence in their wishes would have excited the resentment of the chambers, and prevented the vote in favour of his son's succession, he declined their services. The officers and soldiers became impatient and ungovernable. They compelled every one whom they met to shout, "The Emperor for ever." They insulted the leading members of the chambers. The shops were shut, and some dreadful explosion was hourly apprehended. At the solicitation of his body-guard, Napoleon was at length persuaded to have recourse to force, and prepare to sally out and seize his enemies. But the earnest representations of Carnot, and others of his friends, induced him to abandon his resolve. In answer to their petitions and affectionate advice, he replied with violence-" I abdicated in favour of my son. Have they proclaimed him, or will they proclaim him? They break their faith with me, and my resignation is null and void. Have I not the army-have I not the federates at my command. Can I not now crush them in an instant? And shall I suffer myself and my family to be betrayed and destroyed ?"

"Your majesty may certainly accomplish the purpose which you intend. You may disperse the chambers, and the resistance of the national guard would be insufficient to oppose you; but be assured that your power would not last three days. Besides, the peers

constitute but one chamber. You know not what course the deputies may pursue. Indeed you have reason to expect better things from them, and their example will be speedily followed by the peers. At least wait the result of to-morrow's debate, and do not be guilty of the injustice of violating the independence of the representatives, when probably you would have had no reason to complain of them."

This forcible and just

This forcible and just appeal had its effect. Buonaparte had absolutely started at the denunciation that he would not retain his power three days, and he appeared deeply to meditate on it.

"Well!" said he, at length, "I will wait the event of to-morrow; but let them beware how they trifle with me, or forget the terms of my abdication."

The night passed over without the expected explosion. More than thirty thousand national guards were under arms at their respective depôts, and strong patroles paraded every street, and behaved with the greatest firmness and moderation. They dispersed every group, compelled every loiterer to walk on, and instantly arrested all who were disposed to cause disturbance, whatever party they espoused.

At an early hour on the following morning, the chamber of deputies met After disposing of the orders of the day, M. Berenger moved that the provisional government should be declared collectively responsible.

M. Berenger was originally a physician to the hospital at Grenoble. He did not appear on the political theatre until 1797, when he was elected a member of the council of five hundred, for the department of Isêre. He opposed the despotism of the directory, and was deeply concerned in the plot of the 18th Brumaire, which established the little expected, but more dreadful despotism of Buonaparte. In 1801 he was appointed counsellor of state, and afterwards count of the empire, and commandant of the legion of honour. He had the character of being an honest man, and a friend to rational liberty. On the return of Louis, in 1814, he was again named counsellor of state, and director general of the indirect taxes.

M. Defermon immediately ascended the tribune." That the provisional government," said he, "should be responsible to the nation cannot admit of a doubt; but in whose name does this government act? Do we, or do we not, acknowledge an emperor of the French? There is not a man among us who does not answer we have an emperor in the name of Napoleon II. (Yes! yes! exclaimed the greater part of the members.) I am a representative of the people, and devoted to the interests of my country. My opinion is, that the constitution should be our rallying point. How shall we look in the eyes of Europe and the nation, if we do not faithfully observe our fundamental laws? Napoleon I. reigned in virtue of these laws. -Napoleon II. is therefore our sovereign. (Yes! yes!) When it is seen that we rally zealously by our constituents, and that we have pronounced in favour of the chief whom they indicate to us, it can no longer be said to the national guard that we deliberate, because we expect Louis XVIII. Let us reassure the army, which desires that our constitution should be preserved. There is no longer any doubt as to the maintenance of the constitutional dynasty of Napoleon."

The liveliest enthusiasm prevailed through the assembly. The deputies all rose, and waving their hats, long continued to shout, "The Emperor for ever!" It was afterwards moved, and ordered, that the general emotion which had been manifested, should be mentioned in the minutes.

M. Boulay de la Meurthe next presented himself. His speech is curious, and throws considerable light on the state of parties.

"The abdication of the emperor, such as you have accepted it, is indivisible, and cannot be taken only in parts. I respect my colleagues, but I have my eyes open. I perceive that we are surrounded by a multitude of intrigues, of factions, and many who wish to have the throne declared vacant.

"Gentlemen, if the throne should be declared vacant, you may reckon on the absolute ruin of France. This country would soon experience the miserable fate of Poland (A member observed-and of Spain). The allied powers would divide our finest provinces, and if they assigned to the Bourbons

a corner of the empire, it would still be in the hope of possessing themselves of that last portion.

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"I appeal to the sentiments of all goodFrenchmen. Nothing can prevent me from speaking the truth. I fear nothing. It is long since I have offered the sacrifice of my life. I will now go further, and lay my finger on the sore! An Orleans' faction exists. Yes! I know it. It is vain to interrupt me. I speak from certain information. It is however doubtful whether the duke of Orleans would accept the crown, or if he did, it would perhaps be to restore it to Louis XVIII. Louis XVIII. (A member.-I can positively assert it.) I move that the assembly declare and proclaim that it recognises Napoleon II. for emperor of the French. (Yes! yes!)"

Many members now spoke, and M. Manuel concluded the debate, in a speech containing the soundest reasoning, and breathing the purest patriotism.

"Gentlemen, opinions are divided on the question which occupies our attention. Some think that it is necessary immediately to proclaim Napoleon II.-others believe that political circumstances require delay, and that the chamber ought not to explain itself till negotiations shall have acquainted us with our true interests. The powers who have already once declared that they will not treat with Napoleon, nor with his family, will they consent to see his son reign? Such is the objection made.

"But in thus publishing our fears before all Europe, in a discussion which may be regarded as a real calamity, are we not teaching them to require such a sacrifice? Is there need of enlarging on this point?

"I love to believe that in this assembly there is but one object, that of saving the country. But it must not be dissembled that France contains more than one party. Would you suffer each of them to flatter itself that your secret intention is to labour for it? Would you desire, that in order to determine your decision, the different parties should raise each their standard, and collect their adherents? What then would become of the safety of the country?

"Yes! gentlemen, since this discussion