law, and reflecting on what has passed, I cannot refrain from again expressing my opinion, that the revisal of the fundamental law, as prescribed by itself, is essentially subordinate to a deep conviction of its necessity. Hitherto no such conviction has been required; but I repeat the assurance that, as soon as it shall be impressed on my mind, I shall not hesitate to prove it by a proposal to your High Mightinesses.

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There is another point on which I would dwell for a moment. From a circumstance which it is not necessary to recall, the speech with which I opened the last session (contrary to the usage hitherto adopted) was not followed by an address in answer to it.

"I would not consider this silence as a motive for refraining from coming among you; but this event has led me to make reflections, the result of which I think I ought to communicate to you.

"The fundamental law says, that the session shall be opened by the King in person, or by his commissioners. It does not say that the States-General shall return an answer to the speech delivered on this occasion. Custom alone, has hitherto served as a rule.

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I will not examine whether this rule is really in harmony with the principles of our constitution. Neither need I add the assurance that I highly value the expression of the sentiments of the representatives of the nation. But my conviction tells me that it would be better that the speech from

the throne should not have an answer.

"The project of an address in answer to the speech is accompanied with difficulties inherent in the nature of the subject itself. The discussion, as experience has proved, may give rise, without necessity, to a diversity of opinion, which it is difficult wholly to efface. At the very beginning of the session the examination of the address leads to debates, which consume much valuable time, and, at the same time, have an unhappy influence on the further course of the session.

"You must, however, fully understand my thoughts. By what I have said I do not mean in any way to restrict or impede the competency or even the expression of the desires of your High Mightinesses. I have no other intention than to communicate to you my way of thinking, and to assure your assembly that your silence will not only meet with no unfavourable interpretation on my part, but, on the contrary, will be fully appreciated by me.

"It now only remains for me, on opening this session of the States-General, to implore the Almighty to be pleased to bestow wisdom on the nation, of which it has given so many proofs, in order that the legislative power, thus seconded in its labours, may find the most effectual means, with the aid of Heaven, to avert all misfortunes from the country, and to increase and consolidate the true prosperity of this kingdom, which is so favoured by the benefits of Providence."

the House of Representatives adopted, by a majority of 120 to 98, a Bill, or "joint resolution" as it was called, for the annexation of Texas. The resolutions were as follow :

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, that Congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, may be erected into a new State, to be called the State of Texas, with a republican form of Government, to be adopted by the people of said republic, by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing Government, in order that the same may be admitted as one of the States of this Union.

"Sec. 2. And be it further resolved, That the foregoing consent of Congress is given upon the following conditions, and with the following guarantees, to wit:VOL. LXXXVII.

"1. Said State to be formed subject to the adjustment by this Government of all questions of boundary that may arise with other Governments, and the constitution thereof, with the proper evidence of its adoption by the people of said republic of Texas, shall be transmitted to the President of the United States, to be laid before Congress for its final action, on or before the 1st day of January, 1846.

"2. Said State, when admitted into the Union, after ceding to the United States all mines, minerals, salt lakes, and springs, and also all public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbours, navy and navy yards, docks, magazines, arms, armaments, and all other property and means pertaining to the public defence, belonging to said republic of Texas, shall retain all the public funds, debts, taxes, and dues of every kind which may belong to, or be due and owing, said republic, and shall also retain all the vacant and unappropriated [T]

lands lying within its limits, to be applied to the payment of the debts and liabilities of said republic of Texas; and the residue of said lands, after discharging said debts and liabilities, to be disposed of as said State may direct; but in no event are said debts and liabilities to become a charge upon the Government of the United States.

"3. New States, of convenient size and having sufficient population, may hereafter by the consent of said State, be formed out of the territory thereof, which shall be entitled to admission under the provisions of the federal constitution. And such States as may be formed out of that portion of the said territory lying south of 36° 20' north latitude, commonly known as the Missouri compromise line, shall be admitted into the Union, with or without slavery, as the people of each State asking admission may desire."

These resolutions came before the Senate at the end of February, when Mr. Walter moved as an amendment, that the provisions of the Bill introduced for the annexation of Texas, in the preceding Session of Congress, by Mr. Benton, should be appended to the resolutions. After a lengthened discussion, this amendment was adopted on the 27th of February, and the Bill so amended passed the Senate by a majority of 27 to 25. The following were the provisions of Mr. Benton's Bill or resolutions.

"And be it further enacted, That if the President of the United States shall in his judgment and discretion deem it most advisable, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolution to the republic of Texas, as an overture on

the part of the United States for admission to negotiate with that republic; then

Be it resolved, That a State, to be formed out of the present republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two Representatives in Congress, until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union, by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing States, as soon as the terms and conditions of such admission, and the cession of the remaining Texan territory to the United States, shall be agreed upon by the Government of Texas and the United States.

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That the sum of 100,000 dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated to defray the expenses of missions and negotiations, to agree upon the terms of said admission and cession, either by treaty to be submitted to the Senate, or by articles to be submitted to the two Houses of Congress, as the president may direct."

The Bill as it finally passed, was immediately signed by President Tyler, and became law.

The period of the Presidency of Mr. John Tyler terminated on the 3rd of March, and the next day Mr. James K. Polk was inaugurated with much pomp at Washington, as his successor. He took the oaths in the Senate House, and at the same time the oaths were administered to Mr. Dallas, the new Vice President. Mr. Polk afterwards read, from a temporary stage erected at the eastern portico of the Senate House, his inaugural address, from which we select the following extracts:"Fellow Citizens,

. Without

solicitation on my part, I have been chosen, by the free and voluntary suffrages of my countrymen, to the most honourable and most responsible office on earth. I am deeply impressed with gratitude for the confidence reposed in me. Honoured with this distinguished consideration at an earlier period of life than any of my predecessors, I cannot disguise the diffidence with which I am about to enter on the discharge of my official duties.

"If the more aged and experienced men who have filled the office of President of the United States, even in the infancy of the republic, distrusted their ability to discharge the duties of that exalted station, what ought not to be the apprehensions of one so much younger and less endowed, now that our domain extends from ocean to ocean, that our people have so greatly increased in numbers, and at a time when so great diversity of opinion prevails in regard to the principles and policy which should characterize the administration of our Government? Well may the boldest fear, and the wisest tremble, when incur ring responsibilities on which may depend our country's peace and prosperity, and, in some degree, the hopes and happiness of the whole human family.

"In assuming responsibilities so vast, I fervently invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the Universe, in whose hands are the destinies of nations and of men, to guard this heaven-favoured land against the mischiefs which, without His guidance, might arise from an unwise public policy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence to sustain and direct me in the path of duty which I

am appointed to pursue, I stand in the presence of this assembled multitude of my countrymen, to take upon myself the solemn obligation, to the best of my ability to preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States.'

"A concise enumeration of the principles which will guide me in the administrative policy of the Government, is not only in accordance with the examples set me by all my predecessors, but is eminently befitting the occasion.

The constitution itself, plainly written as it is, the safeguard of our federative compact, the offspring of concession and compromise, binding together in the bonds of peace and union this great and increasing family of free and independent States, will be the chart by which I shall be directed.

"It will be my first care to administer the Government in the true spirit of that instrument, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms. The Government of the United States is one of delegated and limited powers, and it is by a strict adherence to the clearly granted powers, and by abstaining from the exercise of doubtful or unauthorized implied powers, that we have the only sure guarantee against the recurrence of those unfortunate collisions between the federal state authorities which have occasionally so much disturbed the harmony of our system, and even threatened the perpetuity of our glorious Union.

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This most admirable and wisest system of well-regulated self-government among men ever devised by human minds, has been tested by its successful operation for more than half a century, and, if pre

served from the usurpations of the federal Government on the one hand, and the exercise by the States of powers not reserved to them, on the other, will, I fervently hope and believe, endure for ages to come, and dispense the blessings of civil and religious liberty to distant generations. To effect objects so dear to every patriot, I shall devote myself with anxious solicitude. It will be my desire to guard against that most fruitful source of danger to the harmonious action of our system, which consists in substituting the mere discretion and caprice of the Executive, or of majorities in the legislative department of the Government, for powers which have been withheld from the federal Government by the constitution. By the theory of our Government, majorities rule, but this right is not an arbitrary or unlimited one. It is a right to be exercised in subordination to the constitution, and in conformity to it. One great object of the constitution was to restrain majorities from oppressing minorities, or encroaching upon their just rights. Minorities have a right to appeal to the constitution, as a shield against such oppression.

"That the blessings of liberty which our constitution secures may be enjoyed alike by minorities and majorities, the Executive has been wisely invested with a qualified veto upon the acts of the Legislature. It is a negative power, and is conservative in its character. It arrests for the time hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional legislation; invites reconsideration, and transfers questions at issue between the legislative and executive departments to the tribunal of the people. Like all

other powers, it is subject to be abused. When judiciously and properly exercised the constitution itself may be saved from infraction, and the rights of all preserved and protected.

"The inestimable value of our federal union is felt and acknowledged by all. By this system of united and confederated states our people are permitted, collectively and individually, to seek their own happiness in their own way; and the consequences have been most auspicious. Since the Union was formed the number of the states has increased from thirteen to twenty-eight; two of these have taken their position as members of the confederacy within the last week. Our population has increased from 3,000,000 to 20,000,000. New communities and states are seeking protection under its ægis, and multitudes from the whole world are flocking to our shores to participate in its blessings; beneath its benign sway peace and prosperity prevail. Freed from the burdens and miseries of war, our trade and intercourse have extended throughout the world. Mind, no longer tasked in devising means to accomplish or resist schemes of ambition, usurpation, or conquest, is devoting itself to man's true interests, in developing his faculties and powers, and the capacity of nature to minister to his enjoyments. Genius is free to announce its inventions and discoveries; and the hand is free to accomplish whatever the head conceives, not incompatible with the rights of a fellow-being. All distinctions of birth or of rank have been abolished. All citizens, whether native or adopted, are placed upon terms of pre