they believed, bided his time for revenge. During the war, the pressure of patriotic duty, as his new but reluctant enemies alleged, held him steadily to his old faith; but now, when he could do it without positive danger to the country, he was bent on administering discipline to the party and its leaders. They likened him to Mr. Van Buren, revengefully defeating General Cass in 1848; to Mr. Webster, who on his death-bed gave his sympathy to the party which had always reviled him; to Mr. Fillmore, who deserted his antislavery professions in the hour of most pressing responsibility. Comments even more severe were made by many who had been deeply attached to Mr. Seward, and had deplored his defeat at Chicago. At such a period of excitement, it was not possible that a man of Mr. Seward's exalted position could in any degree change his party relations without great exasperation on the part of old friends, — an exasperation sure to lead to extravagance of expression and to personal injustice. Mr. Seward's course at this period must not be judged harshly by a standard established from a retrospective view of the circumstances surrounding him. It is more just to consider the situation as it appeared to his own cbservation when his eyes were turned to the future. He no doubt looked buoyantly forward, according to his temperament, trusting always to the healing influences of time and to that re-action in the headlong course of Southern men which he felt sure would be brought about by the sting of personal reflection and by the power of public opinion. A silver lining to the darkest cloud was always visible to his eye of faith, and he now brought to the contemplation of the adverse elements in the political field a full measure of that confidence which had always sustained him when adverse elements in the field of war caused many strong hearts to faint and grow weary. The course of events developed occasions when Mr. Seward's influence proved valuable to the country, but it did not serve to recall his popularity. He was thwarted and defeated at all points by the Southern leaders whom he had induced the President to forgive and re-instate. These men had originally established their relations with Mr. Johnson by reason of Mr. Seward's magnanimous interposition. But once established they had been able, from motives adverted to in the preceding chapter, to fasten their hold upon Mr. Johnson even to the exclusion of Mr. Seward. When Mr. Seward was beaten for the Presidential nomination in a convention com posed of anti-slavery men who had learned their creed from him, Senator Toombs, in a tone full of exultation but not remarkable for delicacy, declared that "Actæon had been devoured by his own dogs." The fable would be equally applicable in describing the manner in which the Southern men, who owed their forgiveness and their immunity to Mr. Seward, turned upon him with hatred and with imprecation. They were graciously willing to accept benefits and favors at his hands so long as he would dispense them, but they never forgave him for the work of that grand period of his life, between his election to the Senate and the outbreak of the civil war, when he wrought most nobly for humanity and established a fame which no error of later life could blot from the minds of a grateful people. Mr. Seward could not have been surprised at the treatment he thus received. He had for nearly half a century been an intelligent observer of the political field, and he could not recall a single Northern man who had risked his popularity at home in defense of what were termed the rights of the South who had not in the supreme crisis of his public life been deserted by the South. Mr. Webster, General Cass, William L. Marcy, Mr. Douglas, and President Pierce were among the most conspicuous of those who had been thus sacrificed. The last sixty days of Mr. Buchanan's Presidency furnished the most noted of all the victims of Southern ingratitude. Men of lower rank but similar experience were to be found in the years preceding the war in nearly every Northern State-men who had ventured to run counter to the principles and prejudices of their own constituency to serve those who always abandoned a political leader when they feared he might have lost the power to be useful to them. The pro-slavery men of the South, in following this course, presented a striking contrast to the anti-slavery men of the North who, under all circumstances and against all temptation, were faithful to the leaders who proved faithful to their cause. - CHAPTER VI. MEETING OF THE THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS.-RE-ELECTION OF SPEAKER COLFAX. - HIS ADDRESS ON TAKING THE CHAIR.-THADDEUS STEVENS MOVES FOR A COMMITTEE OF RECONSTRUCTION.-RESISTED BY DEMOCRATS.-REBEL CONTESTANTS DENIED ADMISSION TO THE FLOOR.- MUCH FEELING ON THE QUESTION. PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE. PROPOSITIONS OF MR. SUMNER. ANNUAL MESSAGE OF THE PRESI DENT. OUTLINE OF ITS CONTENTS. APPARENTLY CONSERVATIVE IN TONE. NOT PERSONALLY AGGRESSIVE. LEADING MEN OF THE THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS.DEATH OF BOTH VERMONT SENATORS.-NEW SENATORS. NEW MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE. SKETCHES OF PROMINENT SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES. - PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S PATRONAGE. - UNPRECEDENTED VOLUME OF IT DUE LARGELY TO THE WAR.-DANGER OF ITS USE AGAINST REPUBLICANS. — APPREHENSIONS OF REPUBLICANS. RECONSTRUCTION RESOLUTION IN THE SENATE. AMENDED IN THAT BODY.-CONCURRENCE OF HOUSE. - APPOINTMENt of Committee. — STRONG CHARACTER OF ITS MEMBERS.-HOUSE RESOLUTIONS. - DEBATE ON RECONSTRUCTION. LONGEST DEBATE IN THE HISTORY OF CONGRESS. OPENED BY MR. STEVENS. VERY RADICAL IN ITS TONE. HE SKETCHES CHANGED BASIS OF REPRESENTATION. — GIVES OFFENSE TO THE ADMINISTRATION. - MR. HENRY J.. RAYMOND. HIS REPLY TO MR. STEVENS. HIS STRONG ATTACHMENT TO MR. SEWARD. THEORY OF DEAD STATES. - SPEECH OF MR. Spalding.—MR. SHELLABARGER REPLIES TO MR. RAYMOND. - EXHAUSTIVE SPEECH. - GAVE HIM A LEADING PLACE IN THE HOUSE. SEVERE ATTACK ON THE SOUTH. RESOLUTIONS OF MR. VOORHEES SUSTAINING ADMINISTRATION.. SPEECH IN SUPPORT OF THEM. -MR. BINGHAM'S REPLY. HOUSE REFUSES TO INDORSE THE ADMINISTRATION. — Two REPUBLICANS JOIN DEMOCRATIC VOTE.-DISAPPOINTMENT or MR. RAYMOND. -THINKS DEMOCRATIC Support a MISFORTUNE. — CHARACTER of Mr. RayMOND. — HIS GREAT ABILITY. HIS LIFE SHORTENED. — DIED AT FORTY-NINE. D - URING the progress of events in the South, briefly outlined in the preceding chapter, the Thirty-ninth Congress came together -on the first Monday of December, 1865. The Senate and House each contained a large majority of Republicans. In the House Mr. Colfax was re-elected Speaker, receiving 139 votes to 36 cast for James Brooks of New York. The address of the Speaker on taking the chair is usually confined to thanks for his election and courteous assurance of his impartiality and good intentions. But Mr. Colfax, instinctively quick, as he always was, to discern the current of popular thought, incorporated in the ceremonial address some very decisive political declarations. Referring to the fact that the Thirty eighth Congress had closed nine months before, with "the stormcloud of war still lowering over us," and rejoicing that "to-day, from shore to shore in our land there is peace," he proceeded to indicate the line of policy which the people expected. "The duties of Congress," said he, "are as obvious as the sun's pathway in the heavens. Its first and highest obligation is to guarantee to every State a republican form of government, to establish the rebellious States anew on such a basis of enduring justice as will guarantee all safeguards to the people and protection to all men in their inalienable rights." ... "In this great work," he said, "the world should witness the most inflexible fidelity, the most earnest devotion to the principles of liberty and humanity, the truest patriotism and the wisest statesmanship." The remarks of Mr. Colfax had evident reference to the perverse action of Southern rebels, and were so entirely in harmony with the feeling of the House that at different stages of the brief address the Republican side of the chamber broke forth into loud applause. As soon as the election of Speaker and of the subordinate officers of the House was completed, Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, recognized as the leader of the majority, offered a resolution for the appointment of a "joint committee of fifteen members-nine from the House and six from the Senate-who shall inquire into the condition of the States which formed the so-called Confederate States of America, and report whether they, or any of them, are entitled to be represented in either House of Congress, with leave to report at any time by bill or otherwise." His resolution demanded that "until such report shall have been made and finally acted upon by Congress, no member shall be received into either House from any of the so-called Confederate States," and further directed that "all papers relating to the representation of the said States shall be referred to the said committee without debate." Mr. Eldridge of Wisconsin objected to the introduction of the resolution, and was met by Mr. Stevens with a motion to suspend the rules, which was carried by 129 ayes to 35 noes. Mr. John L. Dawson of Pennsylvania inquired whether it would not be in order to postpone the resolution until after the receipt of the President's message; but the House was in no disposition to testify respect for Mr. Johnson, and the resolution was adopted by as large a vote as that by which it had been received. Mr. Niblack of Indiana offered a resolution that "pending the question as to the admission of persons claiming to have been elected representatives to the present Congress from the States lately in rebellion, such persons be entitled to the privileges of the floor of the House." This was a privilege always accorded to contestants for seats, but Mr. Wilson of Iowa now objected; and, on motion of Mr. Stevens, the House adjourned without even giving the courtesy of a vote to the resolution. No action of a more decisive character could have been taken to indicate, on the threshold of Congressional proceedings, the hostility of the Republican party, not merely to the President's plan of reconstruction, but to the men who, under its operation in the South, had been chosen to represent their districts in Congress. Against a bad principle a good one may be opposed and the contest proceed in good temper. But this is not practicable when personal feeling is aroused. The presence in Washington of a considerable number of men from the South, who, when Congress adjourned in the preceding March, were serving in the Confederate Army, and were now at the Capital demanding seats in the Senate and House, produced a feeling of exasperation amounting to hatred. The President's reconstruction policy would have been much stronger if the Southern elections to Congress had been postponed, or if the members elect had remained at home during the discussion concerning their eligibility. The presence of these obnoxious persons inflamed minds not commonly given to excitement, and drove many men to act from anger who were usually governed by reason. In the Senate the proceedings were conducted with even more disregard of the President than had been manifested in the House. An entire policy was outlined by Mr. Sumner, without the slightest reference to what the President might communicate "on the state of the Union," and a system of reconstruction proposed which was in absolute hostility to the one that Mr. Johnson had devised. Mr. Sumner submitted resolutions defining the duty of Congress in respect to guarantees of the National security and National faith in the rebel States. While the conditions were not put forth as a finality, they were significant, if not conclusive, of the demands which would be made, first by the more advanced Republicans, and ultimately by the entire party. These resolutions declared that, in order to provide proper guarantees for security in the future, "Congress should take care that no one of the rebellious States should be allowed to resume its relations to the Union until after the satisfactory performance of five several conditions, which must be submitted to a popular vote, |