The

In addition to this, the increase of her manufactures is diminishing her capability of producing grain enough to feed them, and the failure of a single crop of grain might precipitate the nation into a revolution. care of its present rulers, who are none too firmly seated, is to provide labor and food for the people. Now, the raw material and provisions must come from countries where manufactures have no hold, and all are producers.

Prior to 1830, and even to 1840, Russia was one of the nations who could supply her, and in all probability would for years to come, with food to any extent in case of emergency. But Russia prohibited her manufactures in order to encourage her own, and a single stroke of the Czar's pen could drive her peasants into rebellion. Turkey only could be made to subserve her ends. She would receive her manufactures at 3 per cent. and pay for them in that raw commodity the supply of which is so necessary to France; and then, in addition to this, the rich fields of Moldavia and Wallachia were loaded with grain waiting to be borne to a hungry people.

As Sebastina remarks, Turkey is a necessity to the existence of France. Let civilization, with its magic power, once be felt on her soil, and a Christian population would make the whole nation resound with the sound of industry and manufactures; she would become the consumer of her own products and raw material, and as a direct result, diminish the power of France. But even these are but secondary considerations to the great reason of their present desire to save the decaying empire of the Moslem.

That Russia, when that empire shall recede before its stronger neighbors, will obtain a footing in the Mediterranean, all admit, and none fear

the event worse than France. Should Russia once establish a port in the Mediterranean, from it she could assail at any time the naval depots of France, and establish a mercantile marine, that from the facility of building and cheapness of labor would become the successful competitor of England and France.

Eton thus remarks on this point: "The attachment of France to Turkey is rationally founded on the great commercial advantages which she enjoys with that nation; on the use she can make of the Porte to create diversions in her favor, whenever the situation of her affairs on the continent requires; and on her particular jealousy of Russia, which, by obtaining possession of the passes from the Black Sea, might send a naval force into the Mediterranean to the evident diminution of French power and Commerce."

Now these very results have once occurred; for in 1805 Russia, in addition to sending troops to Austria, dispatched a fleet from Cronstadt, which, in 1806, amounted to 30 sail, having on board 12,000 sailors and 1,200 guns. By means of this fleet, says Proniewski, she checked the progress of the French in the Venetian territories; prevented the French from seizing Corfu, and stirring up the Greeks to rebellion against the Porte, and, above all, secured the affection of the Montenegrins and Dalmatians. Krasinski tells us that this fleet captured more than a hundred vessels laden with stores and ammunition for the French army in Dalmatia. That the fears of France are well founded, must be evident from these facts; but, at the same time, her right, by armed force, to prevent a sister empire from extending the field of her commercial influence, we believe none will admit. The war they are now waging is not to save Turkey, but to cripple and destroy the commercial prosperity of Russia. They have combined to set bounds to the progress of a nation that first opened to them and their merchant fleets the whole Commerce of the Black Sea, and who poured out the blood of her children like water, in order to wring from the barbarous Turk that great boon to trade and Commerce. Both are leagued together that they may monopolize the Commerce of Europe, and destroy the manufactures and Commerce of Russia. If they succeed in this case, to whom, let us inquire, will they next prescribe the limits of their possessions, and the amount of their trade? Who appointed them to set limits to the progress of nations and the amount of their Commerce? For we must never forget that if France and England possess the right to set bounds to the expansion of Russia, they possess also the same right with regard to us.

Are we told that they are warring to preserve the integrity of an empire? Who, but these very powers, robbed Turkey of Greece, and threatened, by force of arms, to prevent Russia from aiding the Sultan in bringing Mehemet Ali under subjection, and thus save a flourishing State to the empire? Hear the official organ of the British government upon this topic of the integrity of Turkey:

To "maintain the integrity of the Ottoman empire," in the sense sometimes attributed to the phrase, can never be a political duty, for the simple reason that it is a political impossibility. Europe has been "maintaining" this fabric for nearly a century; and how has it been maintained? Half its dominions have been lost. Algiers, Egypt, Greece, the Archipelago, and Bessarabia, were once portions of the Ottoman empire. To what governments do they pertain now? What "justice" did Turkey receive at the hands of Europe when the Porte was

excluded from the provisions of 1815?-when the Greek insurgents were protected by the allies against their legitimate master?--when the Sultan was compelled by the Five Powers not only to pardon a rebellious vassal who had threatened the very throne of Othman, but to confirm this rebel in the hereditary possession of his pashalic? In every instance of intervention which has occurred since the decline of the Turkish empire, the interposing States have enforced conclusions theoretically irreconcileable with the rights of an independent monarchy. Nor could it possibly be otherwise. The plain truth is, that a dominion so unwieldy, ruinous, and unnatural, could not really be maintained in its integrity; nor can all the powers of Europe do more than mitigate the successive symptoms of decay, and avert, by prudent concert, the consequences of a violent catastrophe.

Such is the testimony of an organ that controls the public opinion of England and speaks the sentiments of its ministry. What was its declaration afterwards? They asserted that they were sick of talking about upholding Turkey, and they were warring against Russia to prevent her from reaching the Bosphorus. Attempt to disguise the fact as we may, it is a war in behalf of barbarism at the expense of civilization, and incited by a nation that has robbed India of every right she ever possessed, destroyed her manufactures, starved her people, and plundered her treas

ures.

The other power robbed Algiers from the empire, obtained by means of fraud its ablest defender, and, to crown their claim to honor, burned in caves the men who dared to defend their native soil.

These are the powers that set themselves up as the dispensers of justice to oppressed European empires. Both arm to prevent Russia from occupying a principality; but they uttered not a single whisper when she absorbed a whole nation. But Poland did not border on the Mediterranean. When France occupied Algeria she said it was but a counterpoise to England's Malta. Now, the two powers combine to forever exclude Russia from that sea to which she has the same right as they. The entente cordiale existing between them is dangerous to every commercial nation; for it is based upon an understanding that no nation that they consider capable of being their rivals in Commerce and trade shall extend its power beyond the limits they fix. To-day the United States may feel indifferent as to the result of the contest; but it affects our own security and prosperity as a mercantile nation. Let us remember that for years the same England claimed the right to exclude us from the East Indian trade. But she then lacked allies. To-day we have obtained a foothold for our manufactures even in Persia, where she sends her 1,000,000l. worth yearly.

If she can check Russia in her march to the ocean, then she can summon us to leave the Persian Gulf, for now she has an ally as grasping as herself. She can impress our seamen and search our vessels, for she has declared, by her agent, since this war commenced, that while she assented to the declaration of Denmark's and Sweden's neutrality, she did not relinquish her right of search, nor retract her former definition as to the rights of neutrals. Ere that war closes, this long-contested right of neutrals must be again brought up. Where are the champions of this right and the former allies of America? The one, with 350 sail and 55,000 men, is the ally of that very power that has often strove to destroy the freedom of Commerce; the other is chained up in the Baltic and Black seas, for the crime of desiring to give protection and security to 12,000,000

Christians, and endeavoring to open to his subjects the Commerce of the Mediterranean Sea.

No American can be indifferent to the result of this war. It affects us as an expansive, acquiring, and commercial people; it affects us as a liberty-loving and independent nation; for if it succeed in drying up the stream of a mighty nation's manufactures and trade, it will check in it the development of civilization, the intelligence of the masses, and their approach to independence; for Commerce has never yet failed to banish tyranny from the midst of that people who cherished her, and by her magic touch, barren regions have blossomed like a rose, and the slaves of tyrants became the noblest defenders of human liberty.

Art. 11.--COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES.

NO. IX.

CUSTOM-HOUSES ESTABLISHED IN NEW ENGLAND-ATTEMPT TO COLLECT CUSTOMS DEFEATEDGOVERNOR GENERALSHIP OF NEW ENGLAND-ANDROS-WAR OF WILLIAM AND MARY-ACADIATREATY OF RYSWICK-FISHERIES-NEW YORK-SETTLEMENT AND PROGRESS OF PENNSYLVANIATHE SOUTHERN COLONIES-ANOTHER NAVIGATION ACT-DUTIES ON FOREIGN SPIRITS-BOARD OF. TRADE AND PLANTATIONS-COLONIAL WOOL-SLAVE TRADE-BUCANKERING THE WEST-GENERAL REVIEW AT 1700: POPULATION-MONOPOLY-STATE OF TRADE-NAVAL STORES-IRON-FISHERIES -PRODUCTS-TOBACCO-INTERNAL TRADE AND INTERCOURSE-FINANCE-STATE OF THE REST

OF AMERICA.

CHARLES, obtaining now the requisite leisure from more pressing matters at home, to direct his attention toward the colonies, proceeded in his long-meditated system, and in 1681, established in New England, what had for some time been the standing fear of the people of that section—a royal custom-house.

The central office was fixed at Boston, and it was the design to extend its branches to all the New-England ports. To highten the odium of the measure, Edward Randolph, an individual extremely obnoxious to the people of Massachusetts, described as one who "went up and down seeking to devour them," was appointed Superintendent of the Customs, and arrived the same year.

The measure was mainly regarded as one of royal retaliation upon these ungracious subjects for their political derelictions. It was partly such, and partly the result of a coolly considered policy. While these unquiet people demanded as many concessions, in other words to be well "let alone," (as our State of Florida would say,) as the Virginians, assumed more political importance and occasioned more trouble, generally, they yet contributed no direct revenue to the imperial treasury; while Virginia, through her great staple, yielded a steady and very considerable impost. They also openly disregarded and baffled the various statutes and regulations established for the purpose of securing the benefit to England of the monopoly of their trade, and instigated the other colonies to follow their example. To bring them, therefore, under the desired contribution to Britain, there seemed no other course but to establish a revenue system within the colonies themselves.

Moreover, the particular pursuits to which almost the whole energies of New England seemed directed, were the same as were the especial objects

of regard and encouragement in England. The wealth and power of the empire were felt to depend upon them, and the government, as well as the merchants and manufacturers, could not but feel jealous of colonial interests which, although comparatively humble now, threatened, if unrestrained, to become, before long, developed into successful competition with their own.

But there were counter considerations which should have materially affected the weight of these. It could not be denied that the trade and general enterprise of New-England, contributed very important benefit to the material interests of the empire. Those colonies furnished Britain with many articles of prime utility, which could not have been obtained from other nations, or only at a greater expense. If their Commerce in some points appeared to compete with that of England, nearly its whole profits returned to her, after all, being sent to purchase British manufactures, of which the proportion consumed by them was, in regard either to their numbers or their internal resources, larger than that of any part of the world. If they took the lead in the violation of laws which they had no hand in forming, the limitations and exclusions imposed by these acts upon the business to which their situation necessitated them, were more onerous upon them than upon the other colonies, favored with more versatility of natural resource, and more capable of varying their pursuits. If troublesome to England, in peace, and giving just occasion for the fear already entertained, that their ultimate aim was independence, they were ever loyal in the time of her collisions with other powers. They had her interests and her glory at heart. The assistance afforded by them in time of war, in ships, in men, in money, and in supplies of all sorts, nay, in unaided enterprises of their own, upon her account, exceeded the combined aid of the other colonies-was sometimes even greater than that of the two lesser kingdoms of the empire.

These considerations could not be overlooked, but they were not allowed to outweigh the others. The embryo statesmanship of the time knew little of insensible revenues, or of the mutuality of advantage resulting from an enlarged liberality. The New England colonies must be made to conform to the restrictive policy which Britain had set up as the means of fattening herself at the cost of others, and must pay into the treasury of the realm a palpable revenue. The exaction might be at first small, and might consume itself in the operation of self-resolution, but the principle would be established-the duties could thereafter be extended and enlarged, at pleasure--and the general policy of restriction and excision, in regard to the entire concerns of New England Commerce and New England manufacture, could be easily enforced.

The colonists clearly perceived the end-hence their uneasiness at the inaugural measure.

But it was not intended to exempt perpetually the larger contributor of direct revenue from the burden thus imposed. On the contrary, the design was the inclusion, eventually, of that colony; and, as their importance developed, (some being now very young and feeble,) of all the others, in a common centralized taxation system, of which Boston was naturally selected as the grand focus. It was deemed now quite time to commence the introduction in America of a modified form, at least, of the revenue laws of the kingdom, and to bring them to the proper level of British subjects. They were considered to have enjoyed hitherto more than the legal immu