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proach to the nation, which every true friend of the republic and of free representative government desires to see speedily removed. We trust that this dishonor may be soon wiped away, and that the star-spangled banner may float aloft forever an ensign of freedom and honor. To the honesty of the States and the cheering encouragement of our entire people we look for relief.

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SECTION SIXTH. DIRECT TAXATION.

By the Constitution Congress can lay direct taxes to provide for the common defence and the general welfare of the republic. But such taxes will not be patiently borne by the people except in time of of war or pressing necessity. And as long as the expenses of the nation can be defrayed out of the customs, no statesman will probably be found to needlessly lay a direct tax. When any State, or the United States, are obliged to levy direct taxes, if the necessity of so doing is apparent the people will cheerfully pay them. Such a necessity now exists with respect to the indebted States, but not as to the United States. The United States can have no occasion to levy direct taxes in time of peace, and none ought to be levied except in time of war, or to pay off the expenses of wars of selfdefence.

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Free trade is the doctrine of this country, but while France and England maintain high tariffs on American imports into those countries, much as we desire free commerce, we are forced to defend our American industry by levying on foreign products all the money necessary to an economical administration. By this policy we shut out the foreign products, unless they pay such a duty that our agricultural, mechanical and manufacturing productions are enabled in the home market to enter into competition with them. The effect of opening our ports duty free is obvious. The multitudes of poor in France, Britain and Ireland are so great that labor is one half less there than with us. Of course they could supply our markets to the exclusion of our own people, if our tariff was destroyed. The necessary consequence would be that our annual labor, now worth eight hundred millions of dollars, would fall to, say four hundred; which loss in ten years would be four thousand millions, a sum equal to the present aggregate property of the United States. Such a great reduction of the means of living would be exhibited in a poorly fed, poorly clothed, and badly educated people. We should soon have a few very rich and many very poor. The right performance of this duty

involves the character and prosperity of the United States. We hold it to be the clear duty of the government of the Union to raise all sums of money necessary to an economical administration by duties upon imports, so adjusted as equally to protect all branches of American industry. By this course in twenty years our republic will rise to great power and influence. The policy and duty of Congress on this subject are plain and obvious.

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SECTION EIGHTH. PUBLIC DOMAIN.

The public domain consists of about one thousand millions of acres, worth about three hundred millions of dollars. The policy of our republic in disposing of the public lands, has been benign with regard to the people. They are so cheaply sold that every industrious and economical man in the nation may buy and own in fee simple a farm. The first settlers are justly allowed preemption rights as a reward for their industry and enterprize. A suitable portion of these lands is reserved for the support of schools in every township of public land. The speedy settlement of the country and the education of the people are thus both provided for. This and the great extent of the domain will for a long line of ages insure the perpetuity of republican virtue and intelligence, and

the permanency of the principle of representative government. The present policy is wise and ought to be steadily adhered to.

SECTION NINTH. STATE DEBTS.

There is one plan by which a part of our public lands might be used advantageously to restore the public credit of the States and of the Union. Let the States at once in the mode provided by the Constitution of the United States, amend that instrument as follows:

Let the amendment provide that Congress may by law appropriate, in the ratio of the white population of the States of our Union, or of congressional representation, one hundred millions of acres of land to be applied according to the provisions of such law to the discharge of the debts of the States; the portion of any State not indebted, or which has securely provided for the payment of its entire debt to be directly transferred to such State. As part of the amendment let the States prohibit themselves from contracting hereafter debts transferrible, except on the State Registers of debt, and let each State renounce the right to contract a debt for the future, which in all shall exceed three millions of dollars at any one time. As a further inducement to the States, let the States be

released from their obligation to repay the proceeds of the public lands already distributed to them, or deposited with them by the United States. Such an amendment would restore state credit, prevent any future accumulation of debt and destroy the relation of debtor and creditor, now existing between the Union and the States. Such new provision of the Constitution would raise our credit and character at home and abroad and confer honor upon our republic.

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By the Constitution of the United States, and the decisions of the Supreme Court in the case of Gibbons v. Ogden and Brown v. the State of Maryland, the power over inter-state as well as foreign commerce is vested exclusively in the Congress of the United States. Hence every State law regulating commerce or intercourse of persons or property into, out of or through any state, are void for want of jurisdiction. For this reason all State laws that have been, or that may be passed on this subject are obviously unconstitu- . tional and void.

As the National government has exclusive authority over the subject, its duty to foster foreign commerce and protect it is manifest.

Another great duty of the National government

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