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of this society what they are repeatedly stated to be in the circulars, practical, prudent, unostentatious, we should not have a word-to say. But a colossal organization of officers is displayed, a fund is collected, and vast ultimate objects of a national and philosophical kind talked of in high terms, without a single practical hint, that we can fix on, or so much as the project of the plan, by which these objects are to be attained. There is in fact nothing wanting to this academical institution, but the single fact of being an academy, and until something is done to make it one, we shall rest in the unpleasant conclusion that Mrs Glass, author of that renowned precept, first catch a turbot,' has lived and written in vain. In the circulars hitherto issued, there is no suggestion or hint toward any thing like a meeting of the academy, nothing like a call on the president, vice-presidents and counsellors to assume their function, nothing like an indication to the corresponding members of the nature of the tribunal, which is to receive, act upon, reject or print their communications. In lieu of all this, we are told that the academy wishes to collect opinions, proceed slowly, and modify its progress by experience. But is it to be determined by experience, whether the academy shall meet or not meet; whether its officers shall act or not act; whether its members shall contribute or not contribute to the volumes of its transactions? If all these things are to be ascertained by experience, then there is one other point also to be ascertained by experience, viz. whether the academy exists or does not exist; and we cannot but think the experience of the three years last past strongly in favor of the latter. In fact, the academy thus far resolves itself into a fund raised by contribution, from different parts of the United States, for printing a desultory, complimentary, formal correspondence. It is unnecessary to say, that the names of many of the gentlemen, whose letters are published, secure the public interest for whatever they are subscribed to; but their letters form a small portion only of the pamphlets, and what the American Academy of Language and Belles Lettres has to do with the replies, which the corresponding secretary has been pleased, at great length, to make to some of them, we should be glad to know. Some of these letters are elaborate essays of eight finely printed octavo pages, which it requires much leisure or a strong sense of duty to write or read; and by what warrant they are written, does not appear. Our little experience in learned societies has not

prepared us for this mode of performing the duty of a corresponding secretary. We understand that officer to be charged with writing official letters on behalf and by order of their academy; and the goodness of an official letter is commonly in inverse ratio to its length. We would not dwell unkindly on this, but that we are threatened with the continuance of the system. The third circular begins thus:- The following pamphlet, though a very imperfect work, will be in some degree a guide to the general views of the Academy of Language and Belles Lettres. It is not calculated for publication; but to serve as a temporary basis, for farther expected communications, preparatory to a more full and formal production.' Why. a pamphlet, ostensibly consisting of official letters between members of an academy and the secretary, should be a very imperfect work, we do not comprehend. We can think of nothing human so easily made perfect, in its kind. But we suppose this qualification was dictated by the corresponding secretary's modesty, who felt that it was in name only an official correspondence, and in reality a series of essays of his own production. Were it not this, he could have no warrant so far to let diffidence of his own merit prevail over respect for his distinguished correspondents, as to call the pamphlet, consisting of their joint productions, a very imperfect work.' It is then a production, and we take upon us to add, an unofficial production of the secretary. How then can it serve as guide to the general views of the academy? Does the secretary mean to say, with Louis XIV, l'academie, c'est moi? If so, the corresponding members and the public may wish to see in what terms, and for what imaginable end, the secretary was authorized, by the academy, to run into these weary dissertations. But all this is only a temporary basis for further expected communications.' This circular is to be sent round, other letters invited, or selected from those received, more long answers, we presume, to be written, and the pamphlet now terminating at page 40, in the middle of the letter of a gentleman, who is doubtless highly gratified with this new method of abridgment, will be continued to page 80. And when these farther expected communications' are received, what purpose is the whole to serve? It is to be preparatory to a more full and formal production.' By whom, and for whom, and about what, is this more full and formal production to be written? Some eighty pages like ours have already been printed. This

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is declared to be a temporary basis to farther expected communications, which, according to the usual proportions of a superstructure to its base, must be twice or thrice as bulky, and all is preparatory to a more full and formal production;-on what subject and for what end is not hinted. If (what we have no particular reason to suspect, but as is commonly the case) there is no secret history to these doings, which we, at a distance being uninitiated, cannot get at, we are constrained to pronounce the whole enterprize one of the most signal displays of unprofitable fuss-making, we have ever witnessed. The circular immediately goes on to say,- To some it may perhaps appear that a more public and imposing display is unnecessarily delayed (!)-but from every consideration of lasting usefulness, it appeared more important that no wrong step should be taken, than that any specific amount of measureable labor should be performed in a given time. Those, to whom it has fallen to perform the humble task of pioneers, could not be less anxious than others, to witness the favorable result of their exertions; but they would betray a great want of judgment in neglecting substantial objects, and seeking their gratification in a premature and vain parade.' Now what but parade, we are free to ask, has the society brought forth? It is not a defence to say, that the objects, about which the corresponding secretary. has written, are substantial; that a national dictionary, a standard of language, a system of intercourse to transmit books from New-Orleans to Brunswick, London, and St Petersburg, that mental philosophy,* that national instruction, and we know not what else; that these are solid, substantial objects. Wha will, what can the academy do, what has it begun to do, what has it undertaken to do, for any of them? Nothing. It has only said, they would be fine things, if well done. This we apprehend was known before, and to nominate a vast faculty of officers, and publish an array of correspondence all over the union, for the purpose of asserting the importance of these objects, is empty parade. When the academy shall, by any link of practical operations, bind itself to these substantial objects, its own character will be substantial; till then, the objects will remain substantial, the academy mere talk,

Par levibus ventis volucrique simillima somno.

*The attention of the society will be particularly called to the subject of mental philosophy.' p. 33. This will constitute in foreign eyes rather a queer item in the pursuits of an Academy of Language and Belles Lettres.

ART. XIX.-Eighteen Hundred and Twenty, a Poem. Part First. London, 1821.

THE design of this production will be best learned from a few sentences of the preface, which we the rather extract, as they contain an allusion, kept up indeed through many parts of the poem, to our own country.

The title of this poem is intended to connect it with the political events of the year eighteen hundred and twenty. It has not been my object, however, to take them up in chronological order, or present them in an historical shape, but merely to allude to them in any way that appeared most suitable for relieving the monotony of a poem, essentially didactic. I shall also employ, for the same purpose, in the course of the work, should it be continued, the events of subsequent and preceding years; so that the name I have affixed to the poem is not an accurate description of the subject, but a mere title.

The prevailing error of the last generation, in theory and practice, was an abuse of the name and principles of liberty. The fault, or at least, one of the faults of the present, is of a contrary description, and consists in misrepresenting in theory and abusing in practice, the wholesome doctrine, that it is the duty of the people to preserve good order and submit to lawful authority. From this indisputable truth, a certain class of writers have deduced the conclusion, that it is necessary to submit to any established authority, however unlawful and unjust, or in other words, have revived the old-fashioned doctrine of passive obedience and nonresistance. They have gone, however, a step beyond the ancient partisans of divine right: and, while they deny to nations the liberty of reforming their governments, they grant to kings, not only an unlimited authority over their own subjects, but a right to reform the governments of foreign powers at pleasure. This system, however absurd, may be regarded as the one now prevailing

on the continent.

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it is true that these slavish principles have comparatively few partisans in England and the United States, where this poem will circulate, if at all: but I have thought that even in these countries an attempt to expose their absurdity might not be wholly useless, for the promotion of truth.

In the execution of the following attempt I have not overlooked the principle that poetry addresses itself to the imagination rather than the judgment, and have endeavored to enliven the dulness of discussion, as far as was compatible with the nature of the subject and the mediocrity of talent at my disposal. Without

pretending to vie with the living masters of the lyre, in brilliancy and romantic interest, I shall be satisfied, if the lovers of verse shall consider an inferiority of this sort as, in some degree, compensated by just views and generous feelings. Nothing, however, can expiate in poetry the sin of absolute dulness; and if the public award pronounces that i have been guilty of it, I shall certainly refrain from repeating the offence. If this attempt is received with approbation, I shall probably continue the poem to a third or fourth part.'

The foregoing extracts from the preface will sufficiently convey to our readers an idea of the spirit and principles of this poem. These it is no part of our design to discuss. The great unanimity, with which these principles in substance are embraced in our own country, would render such discussion here superfluous; and our remoteness from Europe, where they constitute the great shibboleth of the powerful parties there in array, destroys the temptation we might otherwise feel, to engage in the subject. The same cause will perhaps lead some American readers to think, that the anonymous author of Eighteen Hundred and Twenty, whom we have some suspicions to be an American, has entered into the controversy with disproportioned warmth. This is an opinion, which we are apt in this country to form with regard to the champions in the political contests of Europe; and it is happy for us, that the great warfare there waged is a matter of no more pressing interest to America. But we ought not to do injustice to either of the parties in that warfare. The conflict is one of tremendous moment. The antiquity of the prescriptions and the power and patronage of the privileged classes, that exist in virtue of them, on the one hand, with the numerical and physical strength, the commercial resources, the activity and intelligence of the mass of the people, on the other, are elements too mighty not to kindle a fearful strife. The short experience of our own country has been sufficient to teach us, that political discussions may be wrought to wonderful bitterness, even by good men. But our domestic politics, entirely controlled as they are at every moment, by the numerical majority, consisting as they chiefly do of questions of deputing offices, which on the return of short periods are resumed by the people, ought never to excite that fierceness of feeling, which grows out of the momentous struggle at which we have hinted. We know not whether this apology will be thought necessary New Series, No. 10.

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