employed to further every measure of general benefit, to reconcile differences, to secure oblivion of injuries, and to put an end to the distractions by which, for so many years, the welfare and happiness of the Afghans have been impaired. Even to the chiefs, whose hostile proceedings have given just cause of offence to the British Government, it will seek to secure liberal and honourable treatment, on their tendering early submission, and ceasing from opposition to that course of measures which may be judged the most suitable for the general advantage of their country.

(Persian and Afghan Correspondence, 299.)

114. FIRST SUSPICIONS OF RUSSIA

(The two following passages are earlier in date than the foregoing, and illustrate the growth of the suspicions of Russia's relations with Afghanistan which, though not mentioned in 113, really underlie it and provided the chief motives for undertaking the Afghan expedition.)

Lord Auckland to the Secret Committee of the Directors.

8th February 1838.

27. It may be convenient that I should recapitulate briefly my views as to the course proper to be taken by the Government of India in the several contingencies to which we have to look for the course of events in the Afghan countries. If the Persian expedition against Herat should fail, fuller opportunity will be afforded for the development of that policy of friendly intercourse, and exhibition of a desire to recognize and respect all existing interests, by which I had hoped to reconcile in a considerable degree the existing dissensions among the Afghan chiefs. . . . If, contrary to my hope and expectation, the expedition should succeed, and threatening demonstrations be made by Persia towards the eastern portions of Afghanistan, I do not contemplate any immediate direct interference by arms or money to arrest the enterprise. . . . Although, also, I am far from being insensible to the evils caused by the excitement and disorders arising out of Persian encroachment, I see so little ground for belief that a weak state like Persia can establish herself with any prospect of permanence in a country and amidst a population such as that of Afghanistan, that I should regard her possession of power in that quarter as likely to be most precarious and transitory, and in the end attended with serious risk of injury to herself. Should she succeed, against all reasonable anticipations, in acquiring a state

authority in Afghanistan, and manifest a disposition to interfere with the territories along the course of the Indus, I should then not hesitate to use all the influence and power of the Government to repel her aggressions. In my intercourse with Kabul and Kandahar, I shall be, above all things, scrupulous to act with a clear good faith, enabling the chiefs of those principalities to guide their policy as they may judge best for their own security. From their local position and our growing influence in the Punjab and in Sind, those states must always, it appears to me, be much dependent on us, and may be expected to place more trust in our friendship than in any aid which may be promised by Persia, even with the support of Russian encouragement. Under extreme circumstances of danger the chiefs of Kabul and Kandahar might look to finding a safe asylum within the British territories, and it is my hope that these means of influencing them would be found amply sufficient for the attainment of all our just objects. It will remain with the Government in England to aid, as they may judge most proper and advisable, the measures of the Indian administrations, by noticing the part taken by Russia and her agents in these transactions. The letter of the Emperor of Russia to Dost Mahomed Khan, of Kabul, in acknowledgment only of the deputation of an agent from that chief, and expressive of a willingness to protect traders proceeding from Kabul to the Russian dominions, appears prima facie liable to no objections, and it will be observed that I have suggested to Dost Mahomed Khan to receive and reply to it in that spirit. But the entire silence of his Excellency Count Simonitch, the Russian Envoy at Teheran, to Mr. M'Neill, respecting this mission, coupled with the fact. . . of Count Simonitch having opened an unsolicited communication with the chiefs of Kandahar, and having nearly identified himself with the Persian mission to that chiefship, and with the statements also now received from Captain Burnes of Count Simonitch having requested Dost Mahomed Khan to communicate without reserve with the bearer of the Emperor's letter, as being a confidential agent of his own, affords, as it seems to me, a most reasonable ground for suspicion and inquiry, and may be made, perhaps, the means of exposing these intrigues so detrimental to the perfect tranquillity and good feeling of the countries on our frontier, and of arresting their further progress.

(Parliamentary Papers, Afghanistan, 1837-42, p. 279.)

115. SUSPICION TAKES ROOT

Lord Auckland to the Secret Committee, 27th April 1838.

4. In my former Despatch, I stated that I could not look to any stability of Persian domination in the Afghan countries. But there is a course open to the agents of Russia, in the attempts made by them to extend the power and influence of their country, which they seem ready to pursue, and to prefer to the support of the direct dominion of Persia over Afghanistan. It may be collected from their language and proceedings that they would, on one side, appear to be aiding Persia in the establishment of a general supremacy over the Afghan chiefships, and on the other as protecting those chiefships from any serious aggression and injury. Professions and promises to this effect may at least assist the immediate views of Persia, but they may also have the ultimate effect, in the actual distracted condition of Afghanistan, of giving to Russia an arbitration over the fortunes of all who exercise authority in that region.

6. I need not say that we should seem to have the clearest rights and interest to remonstrate against such proceedings; for Russia can have no legitimate ground for extending her political connections to Afghanistan, while we are necessarily interested in the peace and independence of that country by proximity and position.

(Parliamentary Papers, Afghanistan, 1837-42, p. 281.)

116. THE TREATIES WITH RANJIT SINGH AND THE
AMIRS OF SIND

The Governor-General to the Secret Committee, 13th August 1838.

5. The first interview of the mission with the Maharaja occurred on the 31st May.

...

9. The manner in which the views of the British Government were propounded, and the mode of the Maharaja's acceptance of them, is thus described in Mr. Macnaghten's dispatch:

"I then said, 'Your Highness some time ago formed a treaty with Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk; do you think it would still be for your benefit that that treaty should stand good, and would it be agreeable to your wishes that the British Government should become a party to that treaty?' 'This,' replied

6

his Highness, would be adding sugar to milk.' 'If such,' I observed, be decidedly the wish of your Highness, I do not think that the Governor-General would object to supplying Shah Shuja with money and officers, to enable him to recover his throne.' He (Shah Shuja) should advance by the route of Kandahar, while the troops of his Highness should advance towards Kabul. . . . This appeared to me a good opportunity for making a formal declaration of the moderate views of the British Government, as prescribed in my instructions. I told his Highness that the possessions of the British Government in India were already sufficiently extensive, and that we did not covet one biga of additional ground; that our only objects were to improve the condition of the people under our rule, to cultivate the friendship of such allies as his Highness and to extend the benefits of commerce, but that we were perfectly prepared to repel and punish any aggression upon our rights and dignity, from whatever quarter it proceeded.

"I then told the Maharaja that the benefit of the combined scheme would be almost exclusively his; that our share of the adventure would be almost entirely confined to our having a faithful friend in the possession of Afghanistan, instead of one who was of doubtful character, if not disaffected to our interests.

39. A still more important point than any comprised in the above negotiation yet remained to be arranged; the relations, namely, of the Amirs of Sind with Shah Shuja-ulMulk and this Government, in consequence of the course of intended operations. The Resident at Sind was therefore directed to explain to these chiefs the nature of the pending crisis, which compelled the Government to form a powerful combination with its frontier states, for the purpose of counteracting the apparently aggressive alliances of the states to the westward; and the following instructions given him upon the question of composition with Shah Shuja for tribute due to him from one of the Amirs :

"You will perceive that, by one of the articles of the treaty recently concluded, the British Government engages to arbitrate the claim of Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk upon Shikarpur, and the territories of Sind generally, and proposes at the same time to bring to a final settlement the claims of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, as connected with the Shah, and the territories along the course of the Indus, which were formerly included in the dominions of the Afghan kingdom.

The Governor-General . . . will endeavour to prevail upon Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk to reduce the claim which he has on the Amirs to a reasonable amount; and he trusts that you will have no difficulty in convincing them of the magnitude of the benefits they will derive from securing the undisturbed possession of the territories they now hold, and obtaining immunity from all future claims on this account by a moderate pecuniary sacrifice.'

40. After desiring the Resident to insist much upon the friendly feeling of this Government towards the Amirs, and the anxiety which I felt for its maintenance, I caused the following intimation to be given him of the course which would be forced upon me, should the Amirs decline concession to the wishes of this Government and its allies :

"Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk will probably arrive with his own army, and the direct support of the British troops, at Shikarpur about the middle of November next, in progress to take possession of Afghanistan. The Governor-General is averse from contemplating a refusal on the part of the Amirs to enter into such a composition with his Majesty (Shah Shuja) as the British Government may deem just and reasonable; but it may be proper to apprise them of the probable consequences of their not coming cordially into the general views of his Lordship at a crisis so important; and you are authorized to tell them that his Lordship must regard the demonstration of such a spirit, as rendering it indispensably necessary to the success of the enterprise, that temporary occupation should be taken of Shikarpur, and as much of the country adjacent as may be required to afford a secure base to the intended military operations.

"His Lordship is further unwilling to contemplate the contingency of offensive operations being undertaken against the Amirs by the Shah after he shall have established, by the support of the British power, his authority in Afghanistan for the realization of what he may deem his just claims. But the Amirs must be made sensible that, if they should now deprive themselves of the advantage of his Lordship's mediation, with a view to effect an immediate favourable compromise, the British Government will be precluded from offering opposition to any measures for the assertion of those claims which the Shah may eventually determine to adopt."

58. I need not enlarge on the additional proofs, which have been furnished since the date of my former dispatches,

Y