which is incorrectly described in the charts. They left the ship, in the launch, at Chin-hae, situated at the mouth of the river Ta-hae (the Kin of Du Halde), and the capital of the heen or district, and proceeded up the river to Ning-po, where they landed. The walls of the city are of great extent, and the suburbs cover both sides of the river. Mr. Lindsay and Mr. Gutzlaff addressed the crowd at the landing-place, telling them they were their ancient friends the English, who formerly traded there, and brought great wealth to the town, and they were come to re-establish it. On reaching the office of the che-heen (Mr. Lindsay had prepared "a respectful petition" in the usual terms for the che-foo), the astonishment of the officials exceeded that at Fuh-chow-foo. The strangers were conducted to the Hall of Confucius, where Mr. Lindsay presented the petition and a copy of the pamphlet into the hands of the che-foo, who received the former graciously, and ordered the two gentlemen to be well-accommodated; and they were, indeed, most hospitably entertained. Their only annoyance was from the endless succession of curious visitors, every one asking for a copy of the pamphlet on England, which seems to have excited much interest. In reply to inquiries, the two gentlemen spoke freely of the commercial grievances and national insults experienced at Canton, which, they said, had compelled them to come to Ning-po to seek more equitable treatment: they intimated, that it was generally supposed a British fleet would be sent to China to demand satisfaction.

On going abroad next day, they met with the strongest expressions of good-will, and of satisfaction at the prospect of the renewal of the trade. They received a visit from the che-heen and other mandarins, by whom the most marked and flattering attentions were shown them. The che-heen delivered a message from the che-foo, that as the te-tuh was absent, no decision could be made on the petition; and that the chee-foo would visit the ship, and consult about the best mode of representing the request to the emperor. Application was made for copies of the pamphlet to be forwarded to Peking. Mr. Lindsay speaks in very high terms of the polite and friendly conduct of the mandarins who conducted this conference, who abstained from all offensive terms.

The population of Ning-po Mr. Lindsay states at 250,000 or 300,000. The river fronting the town is full of junks. The prices of European woollens were much the same as at Fuh-chow-foo. As a proof of the good effect attending the distribution of the pamphlet, he mentions that, on their arrival, they were universally called Hung-maou, 'Red-bristled People,' whereas, previous to their departure, they heard themselves called Ying-kwo-jin, ' Englishmen.'*

They returned to the ship at Chin-hae, where, previous to entering upon negociations, they were privately informed by a naval mandarin, who had become intimate with Mr. Gutzlaff (whom he looked upon as his countryman), that several of the mandarins would be hostile, and that the chee-foo, in spite of all his civility, was only anxious for their departure.

In a long conference with the che-hëens of Chin-hae, and Ting-hae (Chusan) and the tetuh, Mr. Lindsay found them averse to the proposal of trading, and at length the che-heen of Chin-hae gave him an official document from the che-foo of Ning-po, intimating, that in consequence of representations to the emperor of the appearance of the barbarian ship at Fokeen, and other districts, creeping about like a rat, orders had been issued to all the autho• We may just remark, once for all, that the clerical errors in these documents are innumerable, and sometimes disgraceful. Almost all the Chinese terms and names are wrongly spelt, (Ying-kwo-jin, for example, being exhibited Ying-kivo-jeu); other names are also disfigured, such as Kuisentem for Krusenstern.)

rities on the coast, with redoubled energy, to drive her away, and not let her stay a single moment. It stated that the barbarians were naturally fraudulent and crafty (whether this implied any discovery of the real origin and nature of the expedition does not, of course, appear), and that it was difficult to be protected against them; therefore, the strictest injunctions were issued that natives be not allowed to engage in clandestine intercourse with the said barbarians.

Mr. Lindsay exhibited some warmth at this insulting document; upon which the pusillanimous mandarins disclaimed participating in the sentiments contained in the edict, which, they said, came from Fo-keen. The same day, Mr. Lindsay drew up an address to the te-tuh of Che-keang, in which he characterized the statements in the edict as untrue, and insulting to the British nation, observing that "the natives of Great Britain are not barbarians, but a people belonging to a nation which has no superior in the world; that their disposition is not fraudulent and crafty, but open, bold, and enterprizing; that it is their maxim to prefer death to disgrace; and that they came here in the open face of day, and, harbouring no deceit, know no fear." The address concluded with proposals for originating a trade, and enclosed a copy of the Ying-kwo pamphlet.

The great object of the mandarins appeared to be to get the ship outside the river, which was repeatedly urged upon Mr. Lindsay, and at length one of them wrote with a pencil, that if the ship moved outside, the merchants could trade with him, and they (the mandarins) could shut their eyes, and know nothing about the matter.

At length, they had an interview with the te-tuh, in a tent on an open green, outside the walls of Chin-hae. The three great men, the te-tuh, the taou-tae, and the tsung-ping-kwan of Ting-hae, were seated in the tent, and Mr. Lindsay, on their being ushered in and introduced, mentioned that no chairs were provided for himself and Mr. Gutzlaff; upon which the te-tuh observed, that "if they were mandarins in their own country, he would ask them to be seated; if not, it was contrary to their customs." Mr. Lindsay replied, that they were not mandarins, but as visitors from a distant country, he expected this civility; adding, in reply to a question of the te-tuh, that, in his country, a merchant of respectability can be seated even in the presence of his sovereign. The te-tuh then exclaimed, " bring chairs; you are mandarins and our friends; pray be seated." Mr. Lindsay states that he said, in an audible voice, We are not mandarins, but merchants." The great man pointed to the chairs, and they sat down.

The result of the interview was, that the te-tuh (as Mr. Lindsay thinks, under the influence of the taou-tae) declined receiving the petition, and stated that the English could by no means be allowed to have any mercantile speculations here. The taou-tae handed to Mr. Lindsay a copy of the viceroy of Fo-këen's report to the emperor of their visit to Fuh-chow-foo, which stated the facts with no flagrant inaccuracy, blaming them for their pride and perverseness in entering the port, adding that two of the barbarians, Hoo-hea-me (Hugh Hamilton-Mr. Lindsay) and Kea-le (Charles-Mr. Gutzlaff) understood a little of the Han language, and were able to write coarsely.

The mandarin who had suggested clandestine trading now came on board, and Mr. Lindsay details the strong remarks that person made upon the conduct of the authorities; but it is evident that this man was acting artificially, in the interest of the very persons he abused. Some merchants came on board, and Asiat. Jour.N.S.VOL. 12. No.46.

P

looked at the goods, and Mr. Lindsay states that, finding more difficulties thrown in the way of their trade than he had anticipated, he was determined, if possible, to dispose of the greater portion of the cargo at this place." The merchants, however, left the ship without making any conclusive offer, and at length, after being here ten days, "circumstances, over which he had no control," finally compelled Mr. Lindsay to "abandon the hope of trading at Ning-po," where," though nothing could equal the friendly demonstrations of the mandarins, yet they were evidently under much greater restraints than at Fuh-chow-foo." The only circumstance, however, assigned by him, which appears at all like a valid reason why the merchants should not have traded with him, is, that he had no opium, which was the chief attraction to the merchants!

The mandarin to whom reference was just made, when remonstrated with on the illiberal suspicions entertained of the English in China, replied: "I will explain it to you; we are afraid of you; you are too clever for us; for instance, no sooner does a ship of yours arrive, than out go your boats in all directions; you sound, you make charts, and in a week know the whole place as well as we do." A comment upon this remark was supplied this very day (the 4th June), when Mr. Lindsay, notwithstanding" a considerable degree of jealousy and apprehension was manifested whenever a boat from the ship entered the river, and passed beyond the usual landing-place," went with Captain Rees, and fourteen persons, in the long-boat, about a mile up the river, to ascertain if there was good anchorage for large ships, which proved to be the fact. On their return, they were beset by boats from the war-junks; an affray took place, and two low mandarins, with gold buttons, were thrown into the water. Mr. Lindsay surmises that the object was to take them prisoners, as they were known to be unarmed, and the ship was left in a very defenceless state. The affair was adjusted at the time amicably: Mr. Lindsay says, he determined, in any future allusion to this subject, to consider himself the aggrieved party. Further visits were made by merchants from shore, who refused to buy at the prices got at Fuh-chow-foo; for broad-cloth, they offered no more than thirty-one dollars for superfine, and twenty-six for super, which is not more than that obtained at Canton without duties; and for cotton and cotton twist, hey would make no offer whatever. Mr. Lindsay offered to take raw silk in exchange. They left, promising to return, but did not!

On the 6th June, Mr. Lindsay had a long conference with the mandarins on shore relative to the affray of the 4th, at which "the commander of the forces" was very angry, but Mr. Lindsay insisting that it was in consequence of an insult offered by the war-boats, the subject was dropped. Next day, he received a document from the taou-tae, Fang, stating that he "hereby issues his orders to the English captain," which are, that since the 22d year of Keenlung, Canton was made the permanent seat of foreign trade; that Mr. Flint and others had endeavoured to re-open trade at Ning-po, which was refused; that the te-tuh and other authorities had already issued the most explicit orders; that it was reasonable that Mr. Lindsay should obey the laws and repair to Canton; that his delay was highly improper, after being repeatedly directed and admonished with persuasive language. The bearer of the edict said he was directed to assure Mr. Lindsay that he must give up all hopes of trading there, and that the te-tuh most earnestly intreated him speedily to depart. This document did not contain the offensive term E, or barbarian,' and Mr. Lindsay terms its language "polite and obliging!"

Mr. Lindsay replied, that he must sell his cargo first, which refusal distressed the mandarin who brought the "orders" so much, that he fell on his knees, and was about to perform the ko-tow to induce him to comply. He also hinted the offer of a sum of money by way of bribing him to depart. Mr. Lindsay considered his position embarrassing; " he was well aware of the impossibility of openly maintaining that he would remain and trade at Ning-po, in defiance of the prohibitions of government;" yet he knew that a failure here would defeat his efforts elsewhere. At length, chance offered what he supposes a sufficient excuse, and somewhat more, for entering the port, in spite of the warnings and entreaties of the local authorities. This excuse was the state of the weather, which became stormy. The measure created great alarm, and the te-tuh, to whom Mr. Lindsay had written in reply to his edict, issued another, reiterating his desire that the ship should depart to Canton. A reinforcement of war-junks arrived from Fuh-chow, a battery was erected,a large military force was mustered, the junks were connected together by spars and a raft, so as to form a bar across the river, and every thing gave "dreadful note of preparation." Mr. Lindsay, with some appearance of simplicity, affects to be "quite at a loss to imagine what was the cause of this." Instead of endeavouring to remove this groundless apprehension, however, Capt. Rees went in the long boat to examine the state of defence of the war-junks: an act approaching to hostility. Not content with this, he, in defiance of the signs used to deter him, though no violent endeavours were made to stop him, went straight between the two principal junks, who made every exertion to draw a moveable raft across to prevent his passage; but were too late." Even Mr. Lindsay admits that "in doing this, there certainly was some degree of bravado, which was not strictly justifiable, but which," he adds, may appear excusable on considering the high degree of absurdity which had lately characterized the conduct of these Chinese." To every sober-minded person it must appear an act of gratuitous insult, which would have justified very violent retaliation.

As a last resource, Mr. Lindsay offered privately to the mandarin beforementioned a commission of five per cent. on the sales, as a bribe to forward his views of trade; which he must have been mortified to find declined, and on the contrary, a bribe of six hundred dollars offered to induce him to depart, under the courteous guise of" a recompense for the loss sustained in coming so great a distance without effecting their purpose."

Nothing now remained but to take their departure; presents were exchanged, and the parties separated on good terms, Mr. Lindsay assuring the mandarins that he hoped to see them next year, when every thing had been settled for the establishment of the trade at Ning-po, in which hope they professed fully to coincide.

[The conclusion next month.]

ON THE STUDY OF THE LANGUAGES OF ASIA AND EUROPE; WITH REFERENCE TO THEIR ORIGIN AND TO THEIR MUTUAL RESEMBLANCES AND DIFFERENCES.

BY THE LATE M. SAINT MARTIN.*

ALL the languages which are spoken or have been spoken, from the utmost limits of the Atlantic Ocean, on the north, to the banks of the Ganges and even further yet, on the east and south, exhibit the strongest mutual resemblances. The Basques, placed in the gorges of the Pyrennees, and the Laplanders, banished to the northern extremity of Europe, are almost the only nations whose languages discover a character really peculiar. Laying out of view these two dialects, all the languages of Asia and Europe have, in modern times, received one collective name, that of Indo-Germanic tongues.' This denomination, though not the best that might be found, nor very exact, has at least the advantage of denoting, with some degree of precision, the vast extent of country occupied by a very considerable, and perhaps the most remarkable portion of the human species. The intellectual relation which unites the two extremities of the ancient world was long ago pointed out; it could not escape the penetration of Leibnitz, whose powerful genius embraced at the same time, and what is more rare, judged with the same sagacity, literary facts and those which belong to the history of nations. Other learned men had previously noted this grand phenomenon; they had ⚫ even a tolerably exact notion of it; and perhaps it is not too much to say, that it was better known and more justly appreciated in the sixteenth than in the cighteenth century. Labours of this kind have, in later times, recovered the esteem they once enjoyed. The opinions of Debrosse and of Count de Gebelin, occasionally ingenious but always singularly hypothetical, were renounced; the comparative study of languages followed a wiser, more severe, and at length a surer course. It has been acknowledged that, in order to ascend to the earliest origin of nations, to trace the succession of intellectual revolutions they have undergone, and to appreciate the action they have mutually exerted upon each other, we must reject those arbitrary combinations which were so long current amongst the learned, who fancied that, with the knowledge of Hebrew and a few dialects of the same family, they were able to explain the most obscure mysteries in the history of languages. It is now considered indispensable to researches into the antiquity of nations, to study their languages. In order to understand and properly decide the numberless questions which arise every minute in investigations of this nature, languages must be studied, not in the very superficial manner we acquire them in dictionaries, but by operating upon the aggregate mass of the words in each. It has been ascertained that, if we wish to derive solid and useful instruction from this investigation, we must endeavour to reach the very penetralia of the language, study the phenomena peculiar to each tongue, its structure, its mechanism, its revolutions, its progress towards perfection, and the alterations it may have undergone; examine and compare the different circumstances of time, place, influence, which are inseparable from each dialect, and whatsoever, in short, constitutes the vitality of those conceptions, the study of which, I hesitate not to affirm, is more important, more fruitful of results, than that of facts relating to persons. This study, when we bring to it exten* Fragment found amongst the papers of M. Saint Martin, and read, since his death, before the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres, Paris.