or controlling Governments in America, | but her deadliest enemy could contrive no whose independence they had recognised, surer way of baulking it or of delaying its "in any other light than as a manifestation fulfilment, than to induce her to set about of an unfriendly disposition toward the fulfilling a cut-and-dried plan of developUnited States." There was a burst of ap- ment. The Old World, overcrowded and plause in England when this position was hampered in movement, has naturally protaken; and Mr. Canning, in reviewing the jected its own ideals and hopes upon the course of affairs in 1826, before the House fresh and wide canvas of the New; but it of Commons, said in triumph, "I called were a lame conclusion that America should the New World into existence to redress be fettered by these. The genius who the balance of the Old." planned that continent has, possibly, designs We have omitted many of the "prophe- of his own designs more magnificent, it cies," especially the modern ones. Some of may be, than those of Berkeley or Galiani. them are hardly more significant than the The sum of nearly all the prophets quoted exclamations which Voltaire describes as by Mr. Sumner is, that America is to blown through bassoons at the distin- extend over North America, to contain guished Monsieur. "How entirely must teeming millions of population, and to excel Monsieur be satisfied with himself!" Any the Old World in its own arts and powers. amount of eulogy will leave our relatives But after all it would be but a gigantic across the ocean just what they are. But duplicate of the Old World, and therefore there runs through much of the recent hardly a New World at all. We do not writing and speaking that come to us from believe in this theory of national predestinaAmerica a tone that indicates a recurrence tion. We believe that the destiny of of the old idea of "manifest destiny," which America is to be freshly moulded in the seems to us far from healthy. In the days hearts and brains of her people; that she whose unhappy memory is still fresh, when may be debased by national profligacy, or the American Congress "passed," as Theo- raised by the virtues of her people. A big dore Parker put it, 66 a deliberate lie - that country did not imply a noble people when 'war existed by the act of Mexico,'" and the Indians occupied an unlimited America, proceeded to seize Texas and other vast and it will not now; other aims and charregions, which brought all manner of strife acteristics must make good Berkeley's into the Union with them, and have since words been battle-fields, we heard much about "manifest destiny." The rulers and chief politicians of that period did not hesitate to declare that America in that invasion was only fulfilling her destiny of spreading over the North American continent. Fortunately, those who ruled America on such principles proved intolerable to the honest masses of the nation, and have long been superseded. It is discouraging to witness now in any quarter a disposition to revive that lust for mere expansion, and to find the IT is time for the French Government leading senator of New England - the seriously to reconsider its recent Italian polChairman of the Foreign Affairs Commit- icy. The King of ITALY is justified by tee of Congress boasting that one of his common sense in his belief that it will be prophets, a Mexican, opens the door to impossible to continue indefinitely the presAmericans, and asking when will Canada ent arrangements between himself and the be ripe. Nor is this feeling quite removed EMPEROR. That the September Convenwhen Mr. Sumner says, "It is easy to see tion could ever hope to be a permanent sothat empire obtained by force is unrepubli- lution of the Papal question was not even All of the senator's countrymen pretended during the course of the negotia may not share his philosophical opinions in tions which led to it. At the time of the this matter. Is not the area of the United conclusion of the treaty, both contracting States big enough? With one or two mil- Powers had the strongest reasons for desirlions of square miles of uncultured or totally ing that the French occupation of Rome wild lands, is it a worthy aim to be coveting should cease. The chief difficulty was to even the ice-dens of grizzly bears in Wal-devise some colourable plan by which russia? France might withdraw her flag with digniAmerica no doubt has a great destiny, ty, and without the semblance of abandon can." "Time's noblest offspring is the last." From the Saturday Review, Oct. 5. FRANCE AND ITALY. ing the POPE in his despair. Besides this primary anxiety for appearances, the French EMPEROR had other feelings on the subject of Rome of which he has never divested himself. He was not prepared, personally or politically, to break with the great system of Catholic Christianity which has long since had for its nucleus the POPE'S autonomy at Rome. A man of the penetration of the French EMPEROR cannot fail to have remarked, what everybody else sees, that the religious faith of all Europe is about to undergo a vast change; but, looking at the prospect as an Emperor and a family man, he did not intend or care to throw his weight into the anti-Catholic scale. He then hoped, and possibly still hopes, that a happy accident might yet reconcile the Church to Italy, and that Time might come to the rescue and make some scheme seem possible for leaving the POPE in Rome. It is easy to assert, because difficult to disprove, that he had also other ambiguous motives which led him to wish to put off the evil day when Rome should belong to Italy. The object, at all events, of the French Government in the September Convention was to delay, not to solve, the Roman question. The one thing to be secured was the temporary relief; the future fate of the Papacy, and the future conduct of the respective Governments, remained uncertain and in blank. To remove the French troops from Rome, without fear of any Italian annexation to follow, was the main ambition of the diplomatists engaged; and permitte Divis cætera was the text tacitly adopted for their motto. That the September Convention was designed to adjourn, not to settle, the difficulty is conclusively proved by one clear and indisputable fact. The certain contingency of an internal insurrection at Rome was deliberately left unprovided for. The two Governments did not, and knew they could not, agree about it, and, sooner than interrupt their immediate combinations, they agreed not to discuss it at all. Thus it became obvious that the September Convention provided for the necessities of the day, but did not profess to make any permanent provision for the morrow. The Florence Cabinet is not therefore receding from its engagements in pointing out to France that it is not possible, without danger of real disturbances in Italy, to leave matters any longer in their perilous condition of uncertainty. The arrest of General GARIBALDI was a bold act of international good faith. The sense of the Italian nation has on the whole accepted, on the ground of sheer necessity, a proceeding the legality of which appears to be doubtful; and an Italian Chamber composed of even more immaculate elements than the present would not perhaps hesitate to indemnify the RATTAZZI Ministry against the consequences of their courage. But if the Italian Chamber meets for this Patriotic purpose, the first question it will ask the Government will be, How long is this to go on? The country has been on the very brink of a precipice. Sufficient popular agitation has ensued to show that, in arresting the favourite champion of the Italian revolution, the Italian monarchy has braved, even if it has weathered, a very considerable storm. It is absurd to expect that the Italians can run these formidable risks every other year merely to suit the policy of the French Empire. It may be said, and it is doubtless often said in Conservative circles, that Rome is not to be handed over to Italy simply because the King of ITALY cannot govern his unruly subjects without it. Of course these things are a question of degree. The Fenians want Ireland, the Poles want Poland, the Danes want Schleswig-Holstein, and France wants the frontier of the Rhine. It is not so much because Italy wants Rome that she deserves to obtain it, as because the want is acknowledged by the public opinion of Europe to be reasonable. When this is so, the Italians cannot but feel themselves injured by finding that, in return for the benefits she has done them, France requires them to sacrifice their national hopes. The revolutionary party will not consent to do it. And the effort to check her advanced patriots costs Italy so much, keeps her in such perpetual anxiety. and suspense, and is so damaging to the popularity of the monarchy, that the national patience is becoming exhausted. The French must make up their mind what they will do. They must choose between the friendship and the covert enmity of a Power which is now strong enough to be a useful ally, and which is determined not to bestow its favours for nothing. NAPOLEON III. is in no easy position. The Austrian and the Italian alliances are both necessary for his purposes. And he has every reason to dread the success of the Italian democratic party. General GARIBALDI represents in Italy the antiFrench school. The men with whom GARIBALDI acts, and by whom he is guided, regard LOUIS NAPOLEON as a sort of incarnate enemy of freedom. They cannot forgive him either his usurpations at home or his military expeditions abroad. The EMPEROR is aware of, and fully reciprocates, this antipathy. Giving Rome to Italy is, in his eyes, helping the Italian revolutionists one stage upon their journey. Possibly he is right in thinking that this will be in the end the effect of such a step. But the Roman question has now reached a point at which further opposition on the part of France becomes injurious both to French interests and to the cause of monarchical institutions in the peninsula. Something must be done; and the only doubt is whether NAPOLEON III. is capable of surrendering his crotchets about Italy, and loyally endeavouring to establish Italian order on a firm basis. The abortive raid of General GARIBALDI will therefore do some service to the cause which he prefers both to life and to reputation. It is useless to talk of settling the Papal question by a European Congress. If Italy is well advised, she will never consent to so suicidal a proposal. The whole key to the future tranquillity of her provinces lies with the Imperial Government at Paris. Do what it may, the French Empire cannot make the temporal power last beyond the EMPEROR's lifetime. By threats of intervention NAPOLEON III. may screw up the Florence Cabinet to stay action against individual adventurers. But the passion for Rome has possessed the people too completely to be eradicated now; and in the long run the popular adventurers who profess to be its exponents will be too strong for the more moderate Liberals. France, if she is wise, will endeavour to arrange the matter while she can still arrange it on her own terms. The time is fast approaching when she will be unable to dictate terms at all to Italy - when VICTOR EMMANUEL must break decisively with France, or with his own subjects. Adieu! I've trod my annual track Dum ille clamat, " Dos pou sto!" Atlantic Monthly. The classic ode of days gone by, How belle Fifine and jeune Lisette Exclaimed, "Anacreon, gerōn ei?" "Regardez donc," those ladies said, "You're getting bald and wrinkled too : When summer's roses all are shed, Love's nulium ite, voyez-vous !" POETRY: After Long Years, 386. As Day by Day, 386. Courage, Dear Heart, 386. Trotty, 437. Preparing for Publication at this Office THE CHAPLET OF PEARLS. By the author of "Heir of Redclyffe." THE BROWNLOWS. By Mrs. Oliphant. LINDA TRESSEL. By the author of "Nina Balatka." THE BRAMLEIGHS OF BISHOP'S FOLLY. By Charles Lever. ALL FOR GREED. PHINEAS FINN, THE IRISH MEMBER. By W. Trollope. FOR EIGHT DOLLARS, remitted directly to the Publishers, the Living Age will be punctually forwarded for a year, free of postage. But we do not prepay postage on less than a year; nor where we have to pay e mmission for forwarding the money. Price of the First Series, in Cloth, 36 volumes, 90 dollars. The Complete work 32 " 88 Any Volume Bonud, 3 dollars; Unbound, 2 dollars. The sets, or volumes, will be sent at the expense of the publishers. |