H. or R.]

Changing Location of Land Offices.—The Tariff Bill.

So the House refused to consider the resolution.
CHANGING LOCATION OF LAND OFFICES.

The bill to enable the President to change the location of land offices having been read a third time, and the question being on its passage,

[JAN. 15, 1863

Chandler, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Col- "And be it further enacted, That whenever any of t lier, Condit, Connor, Coulter, Craig, Davenport, Dayan, goods, wares, and merchandise, which, by the provisions Dewart, Drayton, Draper, Duncan, Joshua Evans, Felder, of this act, or of any other law of the United States, ze Findlay, Fitzgerald, Ford, Foster, Gaither, Gilmore, Gor- charged with impost or duty to any amount, payable a don, Thomas H. Hall, Hawes, Hawkins, Hiester, Hoff- any time after entry thereof, shall, after the first day f man, Hogan, Holland, Horn, Howard, Hubbard, Isacks, February, A. D. 1833, be imported into any district c Jarvis, Jenifer, Jewett, Cave Johnson, Lamar, Lansing, the United States, comprehended within the territora Leavitt, Lecompte, Lent, Lyon, Mann, Mardis, Mason, limits of any State, which State, or the people thereof, William McCoy, Robert McCoy, McIntire, McKay, Muh- has already, or hereafter shall, by any ordinance, statute, lenberg, Newnan, Newton, Nuckolls, Patton, Pendleton, or law, made, or which shall be made, by such people Pierson, Pitcher, Polk, Roane, Sewall, William B. Shep- State, whereby the payment of any bond, note, or wr ard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Smith, Soule, Speight, ten security, for the payment of such impost or duties, a Standifer, Taylor, Francis Thomas, Philemon Thomas, any future time may be or is, such ordinance, statute, John Thomson, Verplanck, Ward, Wardwell, Wayne, law, intended to be in any way prevented, hindered, Weeks, Wilkin, Wheeler, Frederick Whittlesey, Camp- structed, embarrassed, or delayed, it shall be the du bell P. White, Wilde, Worthington.--111. of the collector, and all other officers of the United Sta employed in any manner in the collection of the reven within said district, to cause the amount of all such i post or duty on all such goods, wares, or merchandise there from the interest up to the time when the s to be assessed and paid thereon in money, deducti would otherwise be payable by the provisions of this ac, or any other law of the United States, before any esty of such goods, wares, or merchandise, or the ship or res be made, or any permit to land such goods, wares, and sel in which they were or shall have been imported, shal merchandise, shall be given. And on failure of paymen of all such impost or duty assessed as aforesaid, except the interest deducted as aforesaid, said goods, wares, merchandise, and the ship or vessel wherein the st shall have been imported, together with the maste thereof, and the people navigating the same, shall fort with be liable to all the disabilities, forfeitures, and pe nalties, to which, by the laws of the United States, go wares, and merchandise, ships or vessels, and maste and mariners navigating the same, are liable in cases where no report is made, or manifest exhibited, to the proper officers of the United States, or where goods, wares, and merchandise are landed, or attempted to be landed, without securing the imposts or duties, or obtain

Mr. VANCE opposed the bill. Had it provided for the consolidation of such land districts as did not pay for the expense of maintaining separate land offices, he should not have objected to it: but he disliked both its provisions; for it often happened that the location of a land office at a spot without the district to which it belonged, was often a great convenience to the people of such district; as an instance of which he referred to the location of a land of fice at Cincinnati, where the people were in the habit of going on in their ordinary business. He knew of but one office that had been removed by order of the Executive, and this had been done at the suggestion of an individual who sought to wreak his vengeance on a person who had offended him, and it had occasioned great uneasiness and discontent. The other feature of the bill, to which Mr. V. was opposed, was the placing of absolute discretionary power in the President to change the location of land of fices at pleasure. He would place such a power in the

hand of no man.

Mr. IRVIN advocated the bill. As to the consolidationing a permit for the landing thereof. And it shall be the of land districts, it was a subject that had long been be

duty of the collector, and all officers of the United States, to proceed therein accordingly.

fore the Committee on the Public Lands; and his colleague would probably have the opportunity even of votMr. KENNON, of Ohio, then rose and said, that 2 ing on a bill for that object. The instance of the land rising he made no promise that he should occupy the s office at Cincinnati was not in point, because that office tention of this committee but a few moments. Such was situated within, and not without, the district to which this House. I may extend my remarks, said he, to s c mises were seldom performed, although often made it belonged. Many officers had been removed in conse-siderable length, or I may contract them within very rar quence of the improvement of the country; having, at first, been situated without the limits of the districts. row limits. The subject under consideration is one c Mr. VANCE here explained; observing that provision grave importance, and pregnant with consequences of had been made from the first to have such offices remov-law, it is said that the Union of these happy States is no ordinary character. Should this bill not become a

ed as soon as necessary.

Mr. IRVIN differed as to this fact.

With reference to

the discretion of the President, inasmuch as the power must be placed in the hand of some individual, to whom could it better be confided than to the Chief Magistrate, who had been again placed, by so vast a majority of freemen, at the head of the Government? The President was

too high-minded to be under temptation to abuse the dis

cretion confided to him.

Mr: BURD admitted the President to be as fit as any other individual; but he trusted that the will of no President would give law to this country.

The debate was here cut short by Mr. VERPLANCK's calling up the Orders of the Day.

The House thereupon went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. WAYNE in the chair, and resumed the consideration of

dissolved. Should it become a law, it is alleged that facturers; that large establishments reared up by the s bankruptcy and ruin are the consequences to the marutering care of this Government will be destroyed; the the same power which legislated them into existence, or protecting their products against foreign competitio will, by a counter act of legislation, and that, too, in lation of plighted faith, have prostrated them in the dis If, therefore, I should examine at considerable length subject of so much importance, this committee, I hope will excuse me, especially as I am not in the habit of res passing upon its time.

ernment.

The object of this bill is to reduce the revenue to amount equal to the necessary expenditures of the G That the revenue should be so reduced, supposed was a proposition to which none could obiec I had supposed that there was not one member of t louse who doubted the propriety of such a reduct The following amendment was offered by Mr. BUR-I still think that opinion is entertained by a large majority,

GES to the bill:

THE TARIFF BILL.

of both of tariff and anti-tariff men of this bodr.

JAN. 15, 1833.]

The Tariff.

[H. OF R.

therefore, move the consideration of that point. The that? So far as she is concerned, will you gain any thing first matter of controversy which arises, is the amount of by passing this bill now? We will hear what she says revenue necessary for the expenditures of the Federal upon that subject. I read from the address of the South Government. Carolina convention a few extracts: " Having now pre

remains for us to submit a plan of taxation, in which we would be willing to acquiese in a spirit of liberal concession, provided we are met in due time, and in a becoming spirit by the States interested in the protection of manufactures."

In the remarks which I intend to submit to this com- sented for the consideration of the Federal Government, mittee, I shall assume the fact that fifteen millions of and our confederate States, the fixed and final determidollars is a sufficient amount for that purpose. I will nation of this State in relation to the protecting system, it take the opinions of the Secretary of the Treasury, and of the committee which reported this bill, as correct-so far as they relate to the necessary amount of revenue-although in their estimate, it seems to me they have not taken into consideration certain claims against this Government, which it is as strongly bound to pay as the constitution itself can bind it. I allude to the claims of our own citizens for French spoliations committed prior to 1800, amounting to from five to nine millions of dollars. The only two questions which can be seriously made are, when should the revenue be reduced to the wants of the Government, and how should it be so reduced? To these two questions, I propose to call the attention of the committee. When should the revenue be reduced to the wants of the Government? Not when should the revenue commence to be fifteen millions of dollars; but when should we legislate upon the subject of reduction?

At the last session of Congress we passed a bill, with a full knowledge of the near approach of the extinction of the public debt, and of the consequent necessity of the reduction of the revenues of this country.

"We believe, upon every just and equitable principle of taxation, the whole list of protected articles should be imported, free of all duties, and that the revenue from imports should be raised exclusively from the unprotect ed articles, or whenever a duty is imposed on the protected articles imported, an excise duty of the same rate should be imposed on the article manufactured "in the United States." Again, it is said: "But we are willing to make a large offering to preserve the Union, and with a distinct declaration that it is a concession on our part. We will consent that the same rate of duty may be imposed upon the protected article that shall be imposed upon the unprotected, provided that no more revenue be raised than is necessary to meet the demand of the Government for constitutional purposes; and provided, also, that a duty substantially equal be imposed upon all foreign imports." In another part of the address it is said: "Under these circumstances we cannot permit ourselves to believe for a moment, that in a crisis marked by such portentous and fearful omens, those States can hesitate in according to this argument, when they perceive that it will be the means, and perhaps the only means, of restoring the broken harmony of this great confederacy. They most assuredly have the strongest inducements, aside from all considerations of justice, to adjust this controCan any good reason be given why we should now re-versy without pushing it to extremities. This can be actrace our steps, repeal the act of last session before it complished only by the proposed modification of the tariff, takes effect, and say to our constituents, and to the world, or by a call "of a general convention of all the States." that all our late legislation upon the tariff was improper, And again: "If we submit to this system of unconstiwas wrong, and the time occupied therein uselessly thrown away? What new light has been shed upon our darkened understandings to authorize any such course?

Much of the time of this House, and of the money of this country, was spent in considering and maturing that bill. We prolonged the session to a very unusual length; and, finally, agreed upon the bill by a very large majority. The ultra tariff and anti-tariff men voting against it. Not one provision of that bill has yet gone into operation. The time at which it is to take effect has not yet arrived. The committee which reported it to the House, had given its provisions long and laborious investigation.

tutional oppression, we shall voluntarily sink into slavery, and transmit that ignominious inheritance to our children. We will not, we cannot, we dare not, submit to this deIt is true that South Carolina has attempted to nullify gradation; and our resolve is fixed, and unalterable, that the revenue laws, and threatens to dissolve the Union in a protecting tariff shall no longer be enforced within the effect, unless this Government wholly surrender the prin- limits of South Carolina. We stand upon the principle ciple of discriminating and protecting duties. I know it of everlasting justice, and no human power shall drive is said that this is a delicate subject, and ought not to be us from our position. We have not the slighest appretouched. Sir, I entertain no such opinion. The pro- hension that the General Government will attempt to ceedings of South Carolina, in their conventions and pub- force this system upon us by military power. We have lic meetings, are public property, and I shall speak of warned our brethren of the consequences of such an atthem fully and unreservedly, but respectfully. Do those tempt; but if, notwithstanding, such a course of madness proceedings of South Carolina form a reason why we should be pursued, we here solemnly declare that this should now pass the bill under consideration? It seems system shall never prevail in South Carolina until none to me not. It seems to me that we should act upon this but slaves are left to submit to it. We would infinitely subject precisely as we would have done if no such move- prefer that the territory of the State should be the cemements had taken place in the South; although I confess it tery of freemen than the habitations of slaves. Actuated operates a little against human nature to be forced to do by these principles, and animated by these sentiments, we right. If it be proper that this bill should pass now, we will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties, should pass it regardless of that consideration. If it be and if it must fall, we will perish amidst the ruins." improper, the Carolina proceedings would not make it This, sir, is the language of the people of South Caroright. Suppose, however, we were to pass this bill at lina. They say to you, in language which no man can this session, would it satisfy South Carolina? No, sir. misunderstand, that no protecting tariff, no law containThis is not the bill which she requires at our hands. ing the protecting principle, shall ever be enforced withThis bill contains the protective principle. The commit- in the limits of South Carolina; that they would infinitely tee avow it, and the bill shows it. Some of the Pennsyl- prefer that her territory should become the cemetery of vania iron, for instance, is to have a permanent protection her freemen, and that before they will submit to such a of 95 per cent. The Virginia tobacco has a protection system of oppression, they will perish amidst the ruins of 33 per cent.-a protection which amounts to a prohi- of their country. I hope the day may never come that bition of the importation of that article into this country. the citizens of South Carolina shall so perish. God for. These are not revenue duties. They are protecting du- bid that it should ever be necessary for any man to imties. Will South Carolina be satisfied with such a bill as bue his hands in the blood of a son of South CarolinaVOL. IX-67

H. OF R.]

The Tariff.

[JAN. 15, 1833.

result. With the doctrine of nullification, however, Latend, on this occasion, to have nothing to do.

or that a son of South Carolina should stain his with the Union. The doctrine of nullification leads, then, to th blood of a brother of this Union. We are children of the same fathers, who fought hand in hand together in the revolution. Who bled not for themselves, but for us; It is of the convention that I have been speaking, ce who perished, that they might transmit to us, their chil- of the alternatives which South Carolina has presented t dren, that glorious inheritance of liberty which we now this country in order to save it from disunion. I have g enjoy. It is the price of their blood, and shall we, so en the single case of the public lands within the bounds soon after they have been consigned to the silent tomb, a State, in order to show the absurdity (if I may be per scatter that inheritance to the four winds of heaven, and mitted to use that word) of the doctrine of converters become engaged in that worst of all evils, a civil war? as held by South Carolina. The same evils which I h When that day comes, farewell to the liberties of this pointed out in the case of the lands, might arise if country. But do we escape these evils by passing this other proposition was to be submitted to these corre bill? Do we even allay the excitement of South Carolina? tions. The advocates of this new theory take their p She has required too much at our hands. She not only ions from that part of the constitution which require demands a total abandonment of protection, but that it amendments to the constitution to be ratified by conver must be done in due time, and in a becoming spirit. tions in three-fourths of the States, before those amend Yes, sir; she asks that it shall be done in a becoming ments become a part of the constitution; from which the spirit! There is one other alternative which she presents strangely draw the inference that, because the const". to preserve the Union; and that is a convention of all the tion requires three-fourths of the States, in conventier, States, to determine whether the constitution has confer- to make an amendment, that, therefore, three-fourths red the power on Congress to pass laws protecting do- the States must concur in all constructions of the cong mestic manufactures. She will abide by the decision of tution, otherwise the construction is an improper use that convention; but how does she propose the decision They seem to forget that the framers of that instrume shall be made? Why, sir, three-fourths of the States must in that very clause of the constitution, were attemping decide that the power is delegated, or the decision is, to guard against any alteration of it without the conte that it is not delegated; and this she claims to be in ac-rence of three-fourths of the States. That such was the cordance with the spirit of the constitution of the United object of the framers there can be no doubt; and yet, br States. In other words, if seven States in such conven- this South Carolina doctrine, you, in violation of that cles tion should say that any power was not conferred upon intention, may, by the consent of seven States, chang Congress, then the decision would be, that no such power and alter any clause of the constitution. You may in was conferred. For instance, suppose a convention of rectly do that which no man would contend you could the States called for the purpose of determining whether directly. These are the two alternatives which are p the General Government possessed the power of selling sented by South Carolina. As to the latter, Congress had the public lands within the States, or whether those lands no power to order any such convention; and if they had, did not become the property of the new States so soon as that power would not probably be exercised, when it was those new States were admitted into the Union. This is understood that seven States might, by construction, alter a question which has been frequently and solemnly made the constitution itself. It therefore seems to me that by some States in the Union. Now, sir, there are public those proceedings of South Carolina form no reason why lands in the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, we should act upon the subject of reducing the reverse Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. These seven States at this session; much less that we should pass the bill, have on the floor of this House twenty-six Representa- seeing that it could not possibly be acceptable to South tives; all the other States have one hundred and seventy- Carolina. There are other reasons why we ought not to eight; and yet, in such a convention, the members from act upon the subject now. We are taking a new and these seven States would possess the power of deciding important step in legislation; we are taking away from that those lands belonged to them, and not to the General the manufacturer more than half his protection; we are Government, and thenceforth the land would belong to about to settle, and permanently settle, the amount of re them. This would seem at first blush to be an inequita- venue necessary for this Government. This was not ex ble distribution of power; and it would be so. But this pected before we left our constituents; neither they ne is not the greatest injustice which would flow from the we had thought of such a movement being made; I, for adoption of such a principle. It would be making those one, have had no opportunity of consulting the feelings seven States judges in their own case, and authorizing of those in whose place I stand upon this floor, and for them, (if South Carolina doctrines be true,) in accordance whom I act. And all this is to be done in a short session with the spirit of the constitution, to take the interest of of Congress, without any reason being assigned for it by

the other seventeen States in these lands, and appropri-those who urge it upon us. The Secretary of the Trea ate them to the use of the seven. and purposes, be transferring the power from the majori- Now, all he has said upon that subject is, that, after this It would, to all intents sury has not said that the revenue ought to be reduced.

ty, and vesting it in a very small minority. The impro- year, it may be reduced.

Representatives

priety of the doctrine does not end here. The members There is one other reason why we ought not now to act. from the seven States would not only be influenced in Some States have upon this floor more their decision by all the motives which interest and ava- than by their population they are entitled to; others have rice could create in the breast of man, but they would not not near so many as they will have in the next Congre even be acting under the solemnity of an oath to decide Hereafter Ohio will have nineteen instead of fourteen according to their own opinion of the constitution, or ac-members; and surely, if this be a question of so much cording to justice and equity; and yet, strange as it may portance, each State ought to be fully represented when

appear, this is the doctrine of the leading politicians of it shall be decided. South Carolina, openly published to the world. They claim that the same constitution which authorizes a ma- conclusion that we ought to leave the decision of the For these reasons, my mind has been brought to the jority of this House, so far as it is concerned, to make a matter to our successors, who will carry with them to

law, authorizes, in such a convention, the members of the this House the feelings and wishes of their constituert seven States to unmake it. They claim more than that. after having had full time to consult and counsel with

They maintain, sir, that a law passed by every member of this House and of the Senate, and sanctioned by the Pre

them.

sident, may be lawfully nullified by a single State of this bill propose the proper mode of reducing the revenue! Suppose, however, this to be the proper time; does this

Is this the bill which we should pass? I think not. The revenues of this country are collected from two sourcesthe public lands and duties upon articles imported into this country.

The articles upon which these duties are assessed are such as are manufactured in the country, and such as are not. Of such as are manufactured in this country, some have been protected against foreign competition by the legislation of this country. Others have not. Those manufactured here, and not protected, as well as those imported into this country, and not manufactured here, are called unprotected articles, and upon which a duty, for the purpose of revenue only, has been assessed.

[H. or R.

is a large quantity manufactured here. You propose by this bill to reduce the duty from fifty to twenty per cent. on that article, and thereby reduce the revenue to a little over one million. If fifty per cent. bear at all a necessary protection for these woollens, (and it would seem from the amount imported and sold, with a duty of fifty per cent., there was some reason to believe that it was not an unnecessary protection, ) it does not, at all events, amount to a prohibition of the article, as the duty on tobacco does. But to come to the point which I proposed: Suppose that, by reducing the duty on woollens from fifty to twenty per cent., you give the foreign article an advantage over the domestic, in the markets of this country, and thereby lessen Whilst this country was largely indebted, the policy of the manufrcture in this country of that article twenty the Government was to keep up the duties on the unpro- millions of dollars; you, of course, increase and make the tected articles, and raise as much revenue as could be importation of these woollens about twenty-six millions. done consistently with the abilities of the country. Upon Upon this supposition, instead of reducing the revenue to the protected articles there had been a higher duty than one and a quarter millions, you will increase it to five upon the unprotected. A duty had been placed upon ar- millions of dollars; and, although such may not be the reticles imported into the United States, and which came sult of this bill, if passed, yet I think it would be found in competition with the like articles manufactured here, to be not very far out of the way. It will, therefore, be sufficiently high (in many instances) to enable the manu- perceived that it is no easy task to raise a definite amount facturer here to sell his article without a duty, full as of revenue by duties upon articles imported into this counlow as the importer of the same article from a foreign try, and coming in competition with the like articles manucountry could sell his, after having paid a duty on bring- factured here. ing it into this country. That public debt is now nearly discharged, and the disbursements of the United States lessened about ten millions every year; and, consequently, the duties upon these protected and unprotected articles must be so arranged as to reduce the annual revenues about ten millions of dollars; or, in other words, to reduce the revenue to fifteen millions.

To reduce the revenue to a certain and definite amount, whether you raise it upon the protected or the unprotected articles, or both, is not the business of one, of two, nor of three sessions of Congress; you must arrive at that point by repeated acts of legislation. You cannot settle that amount by any one act of legislation; time will prove the truth of this assertion. No man can tell within several millions of dollars how much revenue would be raised either by this bill or the one passed last year. Let us, therefore, try the one we have passed before we pass another. By the one already passed, we reduced the duties on certain woollen cloths, which are used almost entirely in the South, to a point far below even a revenue duty; we reduced it to five per cent. This was a partial act of legislation, for the benefit and interest of the South. Of that article there was, during the last year, imported into this country more than one million of dollars worth.

Now, sir, the question is, does the bill propose the proper method of doing it. If the whole revenue were to be collected from a duty on articles imported into, and not manufactured here at all, there would be much less difficulty in arriving at the proper amount. The amount of importation, or consumption of those articles, could be then ascertained, and a duty assessed at such a rate as to produce the amount, or very near the amount of revenue desired. But when you undertake to reduce the duty on the protected article, or rather on the imported article coming in competition with the protected article, so as to produce a specific amount of money, the difficulty is This bill professes to give protection to the manufacgreatly increased. There is a point in the ascending turing of woollens, cottons, iron, hemp, sugar, tobacco, scale, to which, if you raise the duty on those articles, salt, and other articles. By the former Legislature of this you will receive no revenue at all. For instance, take country, it was supposed that an adequate, and nothing tobacco: There has been, and now is, by this bill, a more than an adequate protection, was extended to these duty of thirty-three per cent. on the importation of that productions of this country. If that be true, there is an article. The foreign tobacco is taxed out of the market. insufficient and unequal protection given to them by this The duty amounts to a prohibition of the importation, and bill. Upon certain descriptions of iron manufactured in secures the domestic market to the producer in this country. Take also the manufactures of wool, and increase the duty to a certain point, and you will have the same result-a result, however, which would be more sensibly felt by the bill passed last year. It was contemplated to raise a revenue on the finer woollens of about three millions of dollars. If you now raise the duty on imported woollen articles, so as to produce the effect which you have on tobacco-a prohibition of the imported article, you, instead of increasing, will cut off the whole revenue arising from this source.

Pennsylvania, you do not reduce the duty more than onefourth; no, sir, not one-fourth. You give it a permanent protection of ninety-five per cent., while you reduce the duty on woollens something like three-fifths. It is so with many other articles. For the sugar of Louisiana you retain a protection of forty-six per cent.; for the hemp of Kentucky, twenty-eight; but to woollens you give from five to twenty per cent. only. Why reduce the duty upon woollens in a greater proportion than upon those other articles?

At the close of the late war every one felt the necessiThere is also a point in the descending scale to which, ty of encouraging the manufacture of this article above if you reduce the duty on the protected article, you will almost every thing else. It was then, sir, that experience greatly increase the revenue. For example, I will again had taught us a lesson which, I had supposed, would not take woollens: It is estimated that about forty millions soon be forgotten. We had to procure from the very enof dollars worth of woollen fabrics are manufactured emy with whom we were contending, the pantaloons and within the United States, and of the fine woollens about coats worn by our soldiers, and the blankets in which six millions worth imported; making the whole consump- they slept. Three regiments of men were raised in Ohio tion of woollens about forty-six millions of dollars in va- at one time. They rendezvoused at Cincinnati; blankets lue. A large portion of which, however, is manufactured could not be purchased in the country to protect them by families for their own use. The duty on the fine quali- from the cold. They were neither manufactured nor ty of woollens is now fifty per cent., and of which there imported. Whilst in this situation, an address was made

H. OF R.]

The Tariff.

[JAN. 15, 1833.

to the ladies of that city, by the Governor of Ohio, en- the effective operation of nullification is to prevent the treating them to strip their beds and furnish the soldiers payment, by the importer, of the duty. In many of the with blankets; and, to their credit, and to the honor of Western States we have no ports of entry, and no duties that city, they done so. Yes, sir, they threw the blan- are paid in the first instance. We pay, in the purchase kets from their windows to shivering soldiers in the street. of the article, to the merchant. We might nullify as larg All those who were eye-witnesses of the suffering of the as we pleased, and produce no effect in preventing the soldiers for want of clothing and blankets, said with one collection of the revenue. In South Carolina it is other voice, protect these articles, encourage the investiture of wise. So that you see nullification can only be put in es capital in their manufacture, that we may have them of ecution in the Atlantic States. It is a remedy which our own, without being dependant upon a foreign power only in the power of States having ports of entry, and for them. therefore an unequal remedy.

In 1824, the now President of the United States, be- To return to the bill, I will say, in conclusion, that I, lieving blankets to be essential in time of war, voted in for one, cannot now vote for this bill. I am well satisfied the Senate to increase the duty on blankets one-third that any thing which I might say on this subject coul higher than it ever has been by any law. And now it is not change a single vote; and, although I had prepared proposed to reduce the duty on blankets three-fifths. Ito give my opinion on the constitutional power of Coadmit that it is a very difficult matter to say what is and gress to assess discriminating duties, yet I will not occu what is not a sufficient protection; but before I can con- py the time of the House on that point, but will yie sent to vote for such a reduction, I must be satisfied, by the floor to those who may be desirous of addressing the evidence, that it can be made without a total destruction committee. of the woollen interest. I ask that evidence of those who Mr. CHOATE, of Massachusetts next addressed the claim that it ought to be reduced. I ask for the reason committee. He said that he should vote for the ames why it ought to be done. Can any one give it? Can the ment proposed by the gentleman from Connecticut. committee who reported this bill give it? If they can, I HUNTINGTON,] which struck out the duty on tea and ef desire to hear them. There is about one hundred and fee, and then, whether that amendment were adopted »? seventy millions of capital involved in the growth and not, he should vote against the bill. It has seemed to ma manufacture of wool in the United States, and the per- he said, that it is not practicable at this session, if it were sons employed in its manufacture is estimated at about desirable, to frame an entire new tariff fit to receive one hundred and sixty thousand. The provisions of the sanction of Congress. I am not quite sure that it is de manufacturers amount to more than three and a half mil-sirable to do this, if it were practicable. lions of dollars per annum. These provisions are furnish- It would be mere affectation in me, sir, to pretend ed by the farmer; much of which is produced in Ohio. to see that this bill is introduced because South Caroli They create a market for our surplus produce, whilst the has, prospectively, nullified the law which we made in per ports of England are closed against us. It is to the home materia, five months ago. The chairman of the Com market, created by these very manufactures, that we look mittee of Ways and Means does not, to be sure, say this for the sale of our wheat, flour, pork, and beef. Destroy his speech, or in his report; but there is not a man, wo the manufactures of this country, and you destroy that man, or child, in the United States, who does not know market. Sir, Ohio has been engaged in the construction and who would not laugh in your face to hear the contra of expensive works of internal improvement, and is now ry asserted. Why, sir, upon the apparent circumstances, involved in a debt of about four millions of dollars, for a who can doubt about it. The tariff of the last session, canal which she has cut entirely through the State. De- whatever else might be said against or for it, was no very stroy the manufacturing establishments of this country, hasty piece of legislation. A committee of this House, and you not only cut off the market for our staple com- constituted for that very purpose, were three months in modities, and take away our means of paying that debt, framing that bill which was its groundwork. In one form but you do more, you take away the tolls arising from and in one stage or another, the bill was pending before the use of it, the intended means of paying the interest of two or three months longer. It was under actual discus the debt. A large portion of those tolls arise from the sion more, I believe, than one. The public attention transportation of the flour, wheat, &c., of which I have been recently very much drawn to the subject. Conver been speaking; and whether they are taken North or tions had been holden; memorials had been compose South, the larger portion of them finally find a market and a vast body of fact and argument had been furnis within the United States, and in those manufacturing es

tablishments.

This is not the only effect which the destruction of these establishments, and of the woollen interest, would have in Ohio. By your legislation you have invited, yes, sir, you have bribed the people of my country to invest large capitals in the raising of wool; you have promised to them the market of this country, and, in fulfilment of that

to us by the sections and interests most opposed and most sensitive upon this policy. After all this, the bill passed with a surprising unanimity through both branches of Congress, and I cannot say that it has not been prey well received by the people. Certainly, the administra tion presses have unceasingly declared that it had the approval of all but the ultras on both sides; the manufac turers and the nullifiers.

you

did ret

promise, you have compelled the man who brought any That tariff has not yet gone into, operation. How wool from a foreign country to pay seventy per cent. on may work, therefore, how much revenue it may yici it. Now, sir, by another act of legisiation, you propose what effect it may produce upon prices, commerce, m to destroy this capital also. But if the wool of this coun-ufactures, or the agricultures of the South, how far it try being destroyed would appease the South, I would do approve itself upon a full experiment to the judgment d it; I would sacrifice large interests to do it. But, sir, our constituents, the American people, upon all these South Carolina has said what she will and what she will matters, you know absolutely nothing which not accept. know when you set your hands to it. Without the e I have shown that her request cannot now be complied amination of a single witness, without the reading or pre with, and that this bill will not answer the purpose. She sentation of a single memorial, without a particle of as will nullify your laws, and apply her own remedy to the information, whether of fact or science, on the merits legislation of this country. One word upon this doctrine this business as a question of finance or political economy of nullification. So far as the tariff is concerned, it can the Committee of Ways and Means have struck u be put in operation only in those States where there are heat in three weeks, a new tariff, departing fundaren ports of entry. There the importer pays the duty, and tally from the provisions of the last, and overturning,