SENATE.]

Public Lands.

ments? Could we have kept her out of the Union by not allowing the lands to be sold and disposed of, and thus forever make her a colony? Could we have done so for five hundred years, as is now proposed by this bill, by continuing her embarrassment? Can we do all this, and yet maintain our faith under the treaty?

[JAN. 12, 1833.

of the causes that led to the revolution. Our fathers complained that George III., King of England, had obstructed the population of the colonies by refusing to pass laws for the encouragement of migration hither. (See laws of the United States, 1st volume, page 8.) And are the Congress of the United States going to do this very same I ask gentlemen to reflect and see where this distribu- thing against the new States? And yet do gentlemen say tion is about to carry them. Away with the notion of the States are equal. Strange equality! The people State rights and equality, if this can be done. The Sen-may move from one old State to another, but are not to be ator often alludes to Ohio as an example for the new allowed to go to a new one; that is, they may go from States. I envy not the prosperity of Ohio, but am proud one manufacturing State to another, but not to a planting of it. But that State is differently situated from the other or farming State. This is the pith of the argument. And new States. They never suffered the same privations does a Senator, called a republican, too, advocate such that the other new States do, because much of their lands doctrines before the American people? Are these docwere taken up on private grants, such as military war-trines republican? Are they such as freemen ought to rants, and they were soon taxable in the hands of private maintain? I ask the whole American people to open owners. These large landholders greatly control public their eyes and judge for themselves. sentiment, and by that keep up the price of the lands for The Senator says, the people of the old States will not

their benefit. That is not the case with the other new States. have an equal chance with Illinois and the other new In many of those States the number of private grants are States to enjoy the benefit of this law. Why will they few, and, by losing the right to tax lands, the taxes must not? Cannot the people of the old States now purchase fall heavy on all other kinds of property; and, sir, if now lands at the present price of $1 25, as well as those of the Ohio could tax all the land within her limits, she would new States? And are not large quantities of lands now soon be relieved of the great canal debt, which hangs owned in the States by non residents? And should the over and harrasses that State. But when those lands reduction take place, cannot they still enjoy the same cannot be taxed, the citizens are compelled to pay enor- right to purchase at $1 per acre? In this respect, the mous taxes to make up the deficit, to the great injury of amendment makes no change in the right of all to purthe laboring class of men; and this is the case in all the chase. And, I ask, why will not a citizen, coming from new States, and in all to a greater degree than Ohio. It is an old State, have the same right to settle as those now against this oppression we object; to this inequality we in the new States? There is nothing in the amendment object; and this bill is not calculated to remove these ob- to prevent it. To me, sir, there is no force in the whole jections, but it is admitted will rivet this injustice on us argument. Again he says, this only shifts the population for five hundred years to come. How yain is such a hope! from one State to another; but, sir, the, amendment does In less than one-twentieth part of that time, the voice of not meddle with the people. In that respect it only leaves the mighty West, in this chamber, will do herself justice, them free to act for themselves; and this is what it should and dispense it to those who now oppress her; and may do. He says we ought to invite the people from Europe, she be more just to them than they have been to us. not from the old States. Sir, the amendment invites no But why push this measure at this time? why not wait one. It only regulates the price of public lands, and the until the next Congress, when the West will be fully rep-people are left to exercise their own will. But why is resented by her twenty-one additional members? Why he more anxious for Europe than for his own country? now strive to saddle us for five years irrevocably with a Why is he more willing to provide for Europeans than he matter to which we are opposed? It is but a few months is to provide for his own fellow-citizens? before those who are knocking at your door will enter Sir, let Europe mind her own affairs, and let us attend to defend the West; then let us see what will be the voice to our own. In this argument the Senator admits his deof the full West on this subject. Sir, after all, the Gov-sire to check the migration to the new States. Would ernment cannot enforce this measure against the will of the Senator bave preached this doctrine twenty years ago the West Why adopt measures calculated to disgust the to the people of Kentucky? Sir, Decius was once the people with the Government? The strength of a repub-friend of Cato; but other views changed his mind, and lic is the devotion of the people to the Government; and bound him fast to Cæsar.

devotion cannot exist without confidence in the adminis- The Senator contended that these lands were obtained tration of the affairs of the Government. The people are by the common blood and treasure of all the States. Now, now willing to buy those lands, whilst the proceeds go sir, how did Virginia get the great Northwestern terriinto the treasury, and thereby diminish so much the tory? Did the other States aid her in obtaining it, or amount of their taxes. But if this bill passes, and the mo- did she not claim it under the charter from the King ney is applied to the Liberia colony, or thrown away, of Great Britain? And who captured that country? the people will examine into this matter; and, sir, I would Was it not the State of Virginia? Was it not that gallant not be surprised to see them just sit down on the land son of the Old Dominion, George Rogers Clark, who conwithout purchase. How would you get them off? Pub-quered that country? and did not Virginia, in the true lic sentiment would forever prevent the execution of your spirit of her chivalry, graciously and generously surrenlaws. Who would inform of the occupant Who, sir, der the whole of those lands to the United States? Now, would go round the lines to see if he was on the alleged sir, what common blood and treasure were expended in tract, when he saw a few brawny buckskin lads, with all this? Who, sir, has since defended those lands? Has their rifles, hunting game? Let us not incense the peo- not that been done in two wars by the gallant sons of the ple by our laws. Sir, another strange argument against West? Look, sir, at the movements of the troops last sumthis amendment is, that to reduce the lands will draw off mer. Look at the names of those noble sons of the West, the population from the old States. Can we, sir, pass What common claim has any but the West to the fame laws to prevent emigration? Have not the people of the of the heroic Dodge, of whom it may be said he was United States a natural right to prosecute their happi-born, trained, and seasoned in all the hardships, all the ness and fortune wherever they choose? See Declara- privations and dangers of the West, and is justly entitled tion of Independence-there this right is asserted. If we to a share in all her glories? Tell me not about your claim have no right to pass such laws, is it a good reason to re- being founded on the expenditure of common blood and fuse to pass a law, because it will allow the free enjoy-treasure. Do not the labors and improvements made ment of this natural right? This very principle was one land laid out by people of the West enhance the value of

JAN. 12, 14, 1833.]

Public Lands.--Endless Life.--French Spoliations.

[SENATE.

the common domain? I should not have drawn this distinc- terms for the purchaser, than the public lands are sold. tion, but they were elicited by the argument of the Sena- The Senator from Kentucky says, the reason why those tor from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY.] The Senator says, this second-rate lands do not sell in Missouri is, because the law will be evaded like the settlement rights of Kentucky. emigration does not go there as it has in others; that peoHe has impeached the honesty of the West, and said they ple will not buy lands until they are ready to go on them. will join together to defraud the Government-the peo- In this he is entirely wrong, and shows that he does not ple will swear for each other. He taunts their poverty, too; understand the subject. Sir, let any one look at the mancalls their houses wigwams, huts, lodges, and, indeed, has ner in which the country is settled, and the quality of the compared them to turkey pens. Sir, if we are poor and land sold and that unsold, and the location of those lands, rough, we are honest, and loyal to the Government; we and he will see that he is entirely misinformed, and, bewill neither cheat nor desert our country. Sir, has the sides, does not at all know that people do not wait to setgentleman wholly forgotten that he was himself once a tle on lands before they buy, or even to remove to the Western man? and that this same voice which now derides, country. Do not many purchase lands that never settle once gloriously and triumphantly defended them? And, on them, or migrate to the country at all? Sir, what sir, those were the proudest days of his whole life, to quantities of land are owned by non-residents in all the which, I have no doubt, he often looked with mingled new States!

MONDAY, JANUARY 14.
ENDLESS LIFE.

feelings of pleasure and regret. Sir, how will the lofty Mr. President, I have done with the argument; I come spirits of the West meet this cold rebuke from one who to a close. I have attempted to explain my views on this once was their idol, and who yet commands the affections subject, and now leave it to be decided by others. of thousands there? I could, sir, myself have desired the omission of that part of the Senator's argument: but, sir, the Rubicon is past. He would have it so. Let us look a little at this argument. He says the law will be evaded by fraud. How, sir, can this be? Has not the Gene- Mr. CLAY presented the petition of Leonard Jones ral Government land offices posted over the whole and Henry Banta, of Kentucky, representing themselves country? Will it not be their duty to see that the provi- subjects of endless life, who had made important discovesions of the law are complied with? And if any one is base ries connected with the morals, religion, and eternal existenough to attempt, by forgery or otherwise, to defraud ence of man, and asking a grant of land for the purpose the Government, it will be very easy to detect all such. of enabling them to extend and propagate their disThis was not the case in Kentucky when those settlement covery.

rights were taken up. The settlements in the country Mr. C. remarked that he felt some doubts as to the prowere sparse, and none were appointed to take care of the priety of presenting this petition; but as it was couched lands. But, sir, I did not think even then the people in respectful language, he had concluded to submit it, deserved the broad denunciation we have heard. How- lest, by neglecting to do so, he might incur the endless ever, the Senator is from Kentucky; and he best knows enmity of the petitioners. The memorial asked for a the character of his constituents. But all I will say is, that Kentucky is my native State, and I hoped better of her. I have often been proud to say that I am the grandson of the Old Dominion, and the son of Kentucky.

grant of public lands, upon terms which were very modestly left entirely to the discretion of Congress. They would accept of them even in perpetuity; but if, as they intimated, they had discovered the secret of living forever, he would suggest to the Committee on Public Lands the propriety of scrutinizing the subject before they complied with the prayer of the memorialists. Mr. C. moved to refer the petition to the Committee on Public Lands, which was agreed to.

FRENCH SPOLIATIONS.

Mr. WEBSTER, pursuant to notice previously given, moved that the Senate now proceed to the consideration of the bill to indemnify certain citizens of the United States for spoliations committed on their commerce by the French prior to 1800.

Mr. President: this amendment, I repeat, presents the true interest of the new States; and whilst there is hope, let us not despair. The principle is gaining ground; we have now an open expression of the Executive in support of it. I would say to the new States and their friend, not to substitute any project which may delude and lead us from our interest and duty. Let us, then, adhere to the amendment, and reject the bill; and if the amendment does not yet do us justice, we may still improve the principle. But, sir, how can we expect to obtain a reduction, if now the principle of reduction is rejected by rejecting the amendment? We commit ourselves, against our own desire, to reduce; one of the very objects of the bill is to Mr. CLAY expressed his regret that the motion should prevent a reduction; and shall we swallow the hook in be made at this time, when the discussion of the bill relathe bait that is set for us? Or if the original bill must tive to the public lands was unfinished. That subject pass, I pray gentlemen friendly to the principle of reduc- had been before the Senate for some days, and might be tion to retain the amendment with the bill, and thus save speedily disposed of. But if the French spoliations were the principle of reduction; but if we now take the bill to be taken up and discussed, it would occupy several without the amendment, there is an end to all hope for- days, and probably the whole week. As to the imporever: this very vote is an expression against us, and the inevitable operation of the bill will forever close the door against us. Let us reduce the price of those lands to a fair price. What objection can there possibly be to putting public lands on a fair footing with private lands that lie in the same State or neighborhood? All other property within the last fifteen years has come down; and why not these lands? Sir, seventy-five cents per acre is a better and fairer price now, than one dollar and twenty-five cents fifteen or twenty years past. Sir, private lands are now, in Missouri, with improvements, selling for a lower relative price than the public lands; yet, gentlemen say, if we Mr. CHAMBERS expressed a hope that the Senator reduce those lands, speculators will be benefited, where from Kentucky would withdraw his objection, as the gennow, in consequence of the high price of those public tleman from Missouri had expressed his desire to delay the lands, private lands are sold by the speculator, on better residue of his remarks until to-morrow.

VOL. IX.-7

tance of the two subjects, without intending to undervalue the bill which was the subject of the present motion, he must be allowed to give precedence to the former.

Mr. BUCKNER expressed his willingness, in consequence of indisposition, to waive his right to the floor, in order to conclude his remarks. [Mr. B. had delivered, the day before, only a part of the speech which is given above, and was to-day entitled to the floor.] He preferred that the Spoliation Bill be taken up to-day, and the subject of the public lands should be allowed to lie over until to-morrow.

SENATE.]

French Spoliations.-Proclamation.-Public Lands.—S. Carolina.

[JAN. 14, 15, 16, 1833.

Mr. CLAY persisted in his opposition, and stated that earlier period was, that a copy of the act of Assembly he should consider a decision not to take up the Land Bill could not be procured in an authentic form; but the doas equivalent to a decision to leave it unacted on for the cuments would be communicated, whether such copy rest of the session. He thought the gentleman from Mis- should be obtained or not. He hoped the Senator would souri looked remarkably well, and quite competent to not, under this assurance, insist on the present action of continue the debate. He then asked for the yeas and the Senate upon his resolution, but would suffer it to lie nays on the motion, which were accordingly ordered. on the table.

After a few remarks from Messrs. WEBSTER, SPRAGUE, and FORSYTH, the question was taken on the motion of Mr. WEBSTER, and decided as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Benton, Bibb, Black, Brown, Buckner, Chambers, Dallas, Dudley, Forsyth, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Holmes, Kane, King, Miller, Moore, Robinson, Silsbee, Smith, Tipton, Webster, Wilkins, White-24. NAYS.-Messrs. Bell, Clay, Clayton, Dickerson, Ewing, Foot, Frelinghuysen, Knight, Naudain, Poindexter, Prentiss, Robbins, Seymour, Sprague-14.

So the Senate agreed to consider the bill; and the bill being then before the Senate, as in Committee of the Whole:

Mr. WEBSTER, in a speech of about two hours, developed the principles of the bill, and the grounds on which it was reported by the committee, and on which he should advocate its passage.

Mr. TYLER then explained the difficulty he felt in bringing his mind to embrace this important subject, after so long an interval had transpired since he had looked into the subject; and moved to lay the bill on the table.

Mr. WEBSTER acquiesced in the motion, which was carried.

On motion of Mr. BENTON, the Senate then ed to the consideration of executive business. After the doors were re-opened,

Mr. CALHOUN said he certainly should not object, under the circumstances, to the laying of his resolution, for the present, on the table. His object had been merely to obtain these documents, to be laid before the Senate. And he thought it proper to say that he did not expect any such discussion on the subject as gentlemen seemed to have anticipated. It had not been his object to cast censure any where, but only to bring the documents into the possession of the Senate. They were, in his opinion, connected with a most important issue-an issue which in importance had never been surpassed in the history of this country, not even at the time when the Declaration of Independence was published. Under this impression, he had brought forward his resolution to bring the papers before the Senate. If any Senator thought proper to move to lay the resolution on the table, he should make no objection to the course.

On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, the resolution was then laid on the table.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then resumed the bill to appropriate, for a limited time, the proceeds of the sales of the public proceed-lands, &c.

Mr. CALHOUN laid on the table the following resolution:

Resolved, That the President be requested to lay before the Senate a copy of his proclamation of the 10th of December last; and also the authenticated copies of the ordinance of the people of the State of South Carolina, with the documents accompanying the same; and of the proclamation of the Governor of the State of South Carolina of the 20th of December last, which was transmitted to him by the Executive of that State, with the request that he should lay them before Congress. The Senate then adjourned.

TUESDAY, JANUARY 15.
PROCLAMATION.

The resolution offered yesterday by Mr. CALHOUN was then taken up for consideration.

Mr. BUCKNER continued, and concluded his remarks in support of the amendment, (as given above.) The Senate adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 16.

SOUTH CAROLINA.

A message was received from the President of the United States, transmitting copies of the proclamation and other documents relating to South Carolina, her ordinance, &c. &c.

The reading of the message occupied an hour and a quarter. As soon as it was finished

Mr. GRUNDY moved to refer the message and documents to the Committee on the Judiciary, and that they be printed.

Mr. CALHOUN then rose and said, that his object in taking the floor was not to make any remark on the motion which was immediately before the Senate. What he was about to say, therefore, would, under parliamentary Mr. KING rose, not, as he said, for the purpose of en-rule, be entirely out of order. But he would, in the petering into a discussion of the resolution; but his object culiar circumstances of his situation, throw himself on the in rising was merely to state, for 'the information of the indulgence of the Senate for his pardon for the entire Senator from South Carolina, the reason why he might irrelevance of the remarks which he should feel himself perhaps think it'not expedient to press the consideration bound to make. of his resolution at this time. It might lead to a discus- He felt no disposition to notice many of the errors sion which would be found not to be necessary. A mes- which the message contained in reference to the docusage from the President would be received, perhaps, to- ments by which it was accompanied, but there was one day or to-morrow, which would communicate the docu-which he should deem himself a recreant to his State if ments called for by this resolution. They would have he did not rise emphatically and promptly to notice. been communicated to the Senate before this time, but was stated by the Chief Magistrate, in substance, that that a delay had taken place in endeavoring to obtain an the movements made by the State of South Carolina were authenticated copy of some of the documents from South of a character hostile to the Union. Was he right in Carolina. He thought, therefore, that the proper course this impression? If so, he would say that there was not would be to lay the resolution, for the present, on the a shadow of foundation for such a statement. There was table. not a State in the Union less disposed than South Carolina Mr. GRUNDY then rose, and stated that he was au- to put herself in such attitude of hostility. But the thorized to say that the Senator from South Carolina grounds on which the President founds this inference would, on Thursday next, or perhaps earlier, receive were not less extraordinary than the inference itself. all the documents called for by this resolution, and much When he stated that hostile movements had been made, more, in a communication from the President. And the it was to be regretted that the President did not state the reason why the papers had not been communicated at an whole of the movements of this character which had

It

JAN. 16, 1833.]

South Carolina.

[SENATE.

taken place. Before South Carolina had taken any posi- found in our institutions; and, unless it can be checked tion of a conflicting character, there had been a concen- and corrected in its course, by the wisdom of the Federal tration of United States' troops on two points, obviously Government, its operation will form no exception to the for the purpose of controlling the movements of the State. general course of events. The only cause of wonder, in One of these concentrations was at Augusta, and the his opinion, was, that our Union had continued so long; other at Charleston. Previous to this circumstance, the that, at the end of forty-four years, our Government State of South Carolina had looked to nothing beyond a should still retain its original form. He considered that, civil process, and had intended merely to give effect to her to the great event of 1801, the success of the party which opposition in the form of a suit at law. It was only when had elevated Mr. Jefferson to the Presidency, was maina military force was displayed on her borders, and in her ly to be attributed this duration. Nothing but the elevalimits, and when the menace was thrown out against the tion of that individual had prevented the earlier terminalives of her citizens, and of their wives and children, that tion of an experiment. But the time had at length come they found themselves driven to an attitude of resistance. when we are required to decide whether this shall be a Then it was that they all prepared to resist any ag- confederacy any longer, or whether it shall give way to gression. a consolidated Government. He called on Senators soBut the President had also rested his inference on an- lemnly to pause and deliberate on this important quesother ground. He had laid it down, that the tribunal of tion. As he lived, he believed that the continuance of the Supreme Court of the United States was, in the last any consolidated Government was impossible. It must resort, the only arbiter of the difference in the construc- inevitably lead to a military despotism. At this moment, tion of the constitutionality of the laws. On this point without having been brought into contact with any adthere seems to have been a great change in the opinion verse circumstances, without any conflicting causes, in a of the Executive within the last twelve months. The time of peace, and under the influence of an unexampled President had not held this opinion in reference to the re- prosperity, our Union stands on the eve of dissolution or sistance of the State of Georgia. A narrow river only the verge of a civil war. How was this? Was it not atdivides the territory of Georgia from that of South Caro- tributable to the powerful workings of the consolidating lina; yet, on the one side, the power of the Supreme principle? Court, as the arbiter in the last resort, is to be sustained; while, on the other side, the will of the Executive is to be supreme.

In this widely extended republic there has been, of necessity, an active conflict of interests. In one portion a system works beneficially, which is found to be oppresBut, if the Supreme Court was to be the arbiter, he sive in another portion. The system of protection is said wished to know in what manner the decision of that tri- to operate to the advantage of those parts of the country bunal, as to the constitutionality of the tariff law as a which are the strongest. Every one said so, and, theremeasure of protection, was to be obtained? How was fore, he was bound to believe so. But in the weakest poran issue to be made up? This mode had already been tions of the country there was scarcely to be found one tried in the case of Holmes, a citizen of Charleston, and who would not, if he had the power, put down the systhe court had declared its incapacity to act, for want of tem of protection. There were thus different views on jurisdiction, and refused to take cognizance of the subject. both sides. How was this to operate? He intended, in He wished to know why this circumstance had been sup-nothing which he should say, to make any personal referpressed-no, suppressed was too strong a term-forgot-ences. It was his wish to argue the subject solely on phiten in the message of the Executive. It will be remem-losophical grounds. A President is elected, and comes bered that when the bill of 1828 was introduced, which into power; his policy necessarily conforms to that of the had been justly called by the Senator from Massachusetts party by which he is chosen. It cannot be otherwise. a bill of abominations, a representative from South Caro-The tariff party, for example, support as their candidate lina had ineffectually endeavored to obtain an amendment a gentleman who is known to be in favor of their views. of the title of it, so that it might bear on its face the character He did not condemn this: it was the natural and unavoidof protection, which belonged to it. But it was sent abroad able course of things. The opposite side must then take under a delusive and deceptive name. How, then, was up one as their candidate, whose opinions on the subject South Carolina to try the question? Even if she had of protection are less marked, but who may be sustained every reliance on the authority of the Supreme Court, by a portion of the tariff party, because he is for that sysshe could not obtain the judgment of that court. What tem to a certain extent, and by a portion of the anti-tariff' course, then, was left for South Carolina, but that which States, because he is less hostile to their interests than his she had pursued? competitor. By this combination a triumph is obtained. It was also suggested in the message of the Executive, He who comes into power in this manner, if he is posthat the State ought to have resorted to the other remedy sessed of any intelligence, can never be dislodged. How which was pointed out, and asked at an earlier period for can he? He takes a middle ground between the North a convention of the States, in order to amend the consti-and the South. If one interest attempts to make a fortution. South Carolina had been prevented from making ward movement, the other side has occupied the ground. applications on this subject. She had wished over and And, by this means, burdens to the amount of thirty milover again to obtain a convention, but she had uniformly lions, without the Post Office Department, and, including found a fixed majority in both Houses against her. How, that department, thirty-two millions, are imposed upon the then, was she to obtain the acquiescence of the constitu- country, under the pretence of revenue-an amount confional majority of two-thirds of the two Houses? Under siderably greater than the value of any single one of the these circumstances, she made no application until the great interests of the country--exceeding the whole State itself had declared it unconstitutional, and the emer-amount of the cotton crop, or the entire value of the shipgency arose which called for it. ping interest. Thus, identifying himself neither with These were all the remarks which he considered him-tariff nor anti-tariff, bank nor anti-bank, internal improve. self called on to make at this moment in reference to the ment nor anti-internal improvement, he cannot be diserrors of the message of the Executive. lodged. What is the result? The system of oppression It was obvious that the country had now reached a cri- goes on. The weaker side sees it is a hopeless case, and sis. It had been often said that every thing which lives makes resistance. The stronger still adheres to the syscarries in itself the elements of its own destruction. tem. The middle power is then thrown to the stronger This principle was no less applicable to political, than to side, and the stronger calls in force which puts down reaphysical constructions. The principle of decay is to be son. This was the process of consolidation. Gentlemen

The motion was then agreed to.

[JAN. 16, 1833.

might contend that this was not a question of consolidation; casion, endeavored to demonstrate to the Senate the disbut it is consolidation. And he could see no distinction tinction between the two cases: he was ready again to between a consolidated Government and one which as- show the distinction between them, and to defend its justsumed the right of judging of the propriety of interposing ness. To others it might not be so, but to the great body military power to coerce a State. of the people of Georgia it was obvious and palpable. We (said Mr. C.) made no such Government. South The honorable Senator had assured the Senate that no Carolina sanctioned no such Government. She entered State loved the Union more than the State of South Carothe confederacy with the understanding that a State, in lina. Mr. F. heard this declaration from such high authe last resort, has a right to judge of the expediency of thority with pleasure. It must be confessed that the course resistance to oppression, or secession from the Union. of the State had placed the object of their love in extreme And for so doing it is that we are threatened to have our danger. Mr. F. congratulated the Senate, that, notwiththroats cut, and those of our wives and children. No--I standing the threatening appearance, there was no danger go too far. I did not intend to use language so strong. to the public peace. The Chief Magistrate pledges himThe Chief Magistrate had not yet recommended so des- self not to resort to any but defensive force; and the Seperate a remedy. The present is a great question, and nator from South Carolina tells us that South Carolina has the liberties of the American people depend upon the de- no desire to use force unless assailed. The hope might be cision of it. It was impossible that a consolidated Govern- indulged that all these pledges would be redeemed: if they ment could exist in this country; it never can. Did I say were, force would not be used. in this country? It never can exist in any country. If any man would look into the history of the world, and find any On motion of Mr. GRUNDY, 5,000 extra copies of the single case in which the government of absolute majority, message and documents were ordered to be printed. unchecked by any constitutional restraints, had lasted one Mr. POINDEXTER laid on the table certain amendcentury, he would yield the question. For himself, he ments which he proposed to make in the bill appropriat had been, from his earliest life, deeply attached to the ing, for a limited time, the proceeds of the public lands, Union; and he felt, with a proportionate intensity, the &c. importance of this question. In his early youth he had cherished a deep and enthusiastic admiration of this Union. He had looked on its progress with rapture, and encouraged the most sanguine expectations of its endurance. He still believed that if it could be conformed to the principles of 1798, as they were then construed, it might en- Mr. BLACK, of Mississippi, said, but for the peculiar sidure forever. Bring back the Government to those prin- tuation in which he was placed, after so much having been ciples, and he would be the last to abandon it, and South said on this subject, both at the present and last session of Carolina would be amongst its warmest advocates. But Congress, and said, too, by gentlemen who justly comdepart from these principles, and in the course of ten mand a high reputation for their wisdom and experience in years we shall degenerate into a military despotism. national affairs, he should not have troubled the Senate The cry had been raised, "the Union is in danger." He with any remarks. He trusted, however, that the imporknew of no other danger but that of military despotism.tance of the subject, involving, perhaps, the tranquillity He would proclaim it on this floor, that this was the great- of the Union, and certainly the prosperity of the State est danger with which it was menaced--a danger the great- he had the honor in part to represent, would plead his est which any country had to apprehend. apology for asking for a few moments the attention of the Senate.

He begged pardon for the warmth with which he had expressed himself. Unbecoming as he knew that warmth to be, he must throw himself on his country and his countrymen for indulgence. Situated as he was, and feeling as he did, he could not have spoken otherwise.

Mr. FORSYTH said, on the motion to refer, all observations on the merits of the President's message were irrelevant and irregular.

PUBLIC LANDS.

The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of the bill appropriating, for a limited time, the proceeds of the public lands, &c.

We who represent the new States (said Mr. B.) have been especially invited by gentlemen to enlist with them in this service. To some of us has been offered the imposing consideration of five hundred thousand acres of land, and twelve per cent. on the amount of sales as bounty; and our dividend with them proportioned according to federal numbers as yearly pay. For one, I have determined to refuse the bounty, reject the pay, and to decline the service. I am well aware, that in so doing, my Mr. FORSYTH.-True, the Senator from South Caro-judgment will be called in question by many, even of lina had admitted the existence of the rule, and had given those whose good opinions I have been accustomed to the best possible excuse for the violation of it. Mr. F. had value. To vindicate, therefore, the conclusions to which no such excuse to offer; therefore, should not follow the I have come in this matter, I will state in a brief, but I example. fear a desultory manner, the reasons which have induced

Mr. CALHOUN said he had so stated in the outset of his remarks, and apologized for it.

The President has, in the execution of his duty, frankly them. and openly expressed his opinions, and the facts and rea- The earnestness with which this measure was brought sons upon which they were founded. The Senator from forward, and the zeal with which it has been pressed South Carolina, on the part of his State, had interposed upon the Senate, cannot have escaped the observation of his denial. The issue is fairly made; the competent tri-any. It is feared that these symptoms manifest on the bunal will decide. There was one of the remarks of the part of some a wish to press this question through the Senator Mr. F. felt himself bound promptly to notice, lest Sen te, that it may have an important bearing on another his silence might be construed into acquiescence. The measure which will probably come up, with which this is President is charged with inconsistency of opinion in the intimately connected. My allusion, sir, is to a reduction cases of South Carolina and Georgia. of the duties on imports. It is my intention to abstain from any remarks on this interesting, too exciting, and, I had almost said, awful subject I have alluded to it for Mr. F. said it was not important as to the extent of the the purpose of giving it as my opinion, and I submit it allusion. As the sole representative at present [Govern- with deference to the Senate, that, under existing ciror TROUP is confined by indisposition] of Georgia, he cumstances, no obstacle should be permitted to intervene must protest against the case of Georgia being confound-between us and the adjustment, and the speedy adjusted with that of South Carolina. He had, on a former oc-ment, of that question. It is thought that the amount of

[Mr. C. explained. He alluded only to the opinion that the Supreme Court was a final arbiter.]