DECEMBER, 1817.]

Surviving Revolutionary Soldiers,

[H. OF R.

committee to whom the subject had been re- | est claim to the interposition of this Governferred, reported a bill providing the manner in which the right of citizenship may be relinquished.

The bill proposes to provide that when any citizen, by application in writing to the district court of any district of the United States, in open court, and there to be recorded, shall declare that he relinquishes the character of a citizen, and means to depart out of the United States, he shall be thenceforth considered as having exercised the right of expatriation, and as being no longer a citizen of the United States; that such person shall be held as an alien forever after, and shall not resume the rights of citizenship without going through the same process of naturalization as other citizens.]

Surviving Revolutionary Soldiers.

The remainder of this day's sitting was spent in Committee of the Whole, on the bill concerning the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolution. There was much debate, occasionally eloquent, but generally desultory, on amendments proposed to the bill, but involving also its principles.

men. That love of liberty and country, which elevates man to his highest destiny, was the sole emulating principle which gave courage to their hearts, and strength to their arms, in the hour of battle. Here were motives as pure, and achievements as brilliant, as illustrate the proudest nations of antiquity. Sir, said Mr. S., it is with the deepest regret that I am driven to the comparison. I would ask that hand to perish, that would snatch one leaf from that laurel that adorns the brow of the Revolutionary Army; but it must be admitted that the Continental army had a mixture and compound motive; the holy flame that then electrified the country no doubt burnt bright in their bosoms; but they were surrounded by all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of glorious war; ambition had his prize in view, and avarice his reward. But why shall this invidious distinction be drawn in our legislative provisions? Let national pride, let national gratitude, obliterate it forever. Length of service, said he, is a criterion of merit equally fallacious and unjust. With the best possible disposition to render services, unfavorable circumstances may doom one soldier to waste his energies in inglorious ease, whilst others, favored by more auspicious fortune, may, within a comparatively short period, have frequently been led to battle, and, by their personal prowess, have contributed to the emancipation of their country. Within the experience of many members of this committee, these facts have oc

Mr. STROTHER said, that he had not intended to trouble the House with any observations upon the passage of this bill; but he could not remain silent, when, by the proposed amendment, a feature was endeavored to be incorporated into it, which, to him, appeared to narrow the operation of the bill, and to strip it, at least, of one moiety of its merit. Is it just, or is it politic,curred, and they are within the observation of he asked, to discriminate between the Continental line and the State troops, and the militia? What is the professed object of the bill? To provide for the indigent soldiers of the Revolution. What is the feeling or sentiment from which it springs? He said he had hailed the introduction of this bill as an auspicious circumstance-as a gratifying evidence of the re-connection of public feeling with the principles of the Revolution. If gratitude be the feeling or sentiment from which this bill springs, by what principle would you limit and confine it to the Continental line? Is the reason to be found in the bright page of your Revolutionary history, or in what celebrated system of ethics will you find its justification? If, said he, you look to the magnitude of the boon conferred, how awful is the debt of gratitude! Mark this mighty empire arising into existence from peril and from blood, and then sit down, if you can, and, by cool arithmetical calculation, draw a line of discrimination between those who gratuitously bestowed upon you that freedom and that prosperity you now enjoy. But why, said he, shall the militia be excluded the nation's bounty? Did they not assist in the conflict? Did they not, half armed and undisciplined, meet the invading foe, and assist in repelling him from your shores? The battle ground of Guilford speaks their eulogium; Bunker's Hill is the imperishable monument of their valor. If motive gives character to action, the indigent militiaman has the high

all; shall we, then, he asked, with these facts ringing in our ears, and occurring recently before our eyes, admit a principle so deceptive and so inequitable? Sir, said Mr. S., I have viewed this bill in a different light; I have considered it emanating from feelings of mingled respect and sympathy; as a homage paid to that stoic fortitude and heroic courage that reclaimed a hemisphere from slavery; as a tribute of respect to sages who conceived and framed a Government, embracing in its gigantic arms an entire continent, protecting its inhabitants in the enjoyment of freedom and happiness. This House, said he, cannot more appropriately evince these feelings than by rejecting the proposed amendment. All who contributed to build up our magnificent political fabric, should be embraced in the wide circle of gratitude. Permit not him, who, in the pride of vigor and of youth, wasted his health and shed his blood in freedom's cause, with desponding heart and palsied limbs to totter from door to door, bowing his yet untamed soul to melt the frozen bosom of reluctant charity! No, sir, he said, the nation should seek out these noble ruins of that splendid period, and spread its charity around to warm and cheer them into a forgetfulness of their wrongs and their sorrows, in the evening of their days. Mr. S. concluded by remarking, that he flattered himself the amendment would not obtain. The object of the bill seems to connect gratitude and charity, service

The beams of national charity | to their construction, the British Government have should not be concentrated on the head of the not considered themselves bound to make restitution enlisted soldier; the beams of national benefi- of any of the slaves or other property thus taken and cence should equally visit the domicil of the carried away; and that the difference of opinion be militiaman, and convey comfort to his fire-tween the two Governments remaining, after all the side.

DECEMBER, 1817.]

Revolutionary Survivors.

[H. OF R.

"If from that chain a single link you strike, Ten, or ten thousand, break the chain alike."

vigorous remonstrances being made on this sub- | revisit with a Scipio-that nation who has alject by our Minister, Mr. Erving, a public noto-ready sacked our infant Rome, and whose proud rious royal order was issued. Mark me, sir, said Carthage we shall one day humble in the dust, be-a public notorious royal order, announcing and sweep with the besom of retributive desoto Spain, to America, and the whole world, lation. But, said he, there are no present cirthat there was no cause for the detention of Mr. cumstances, or looked-for events, that ought to Meade, and directing his immediate release- incline us to harden our ears, that we may not ment. How the aching heart of Mr. Meade hear the calls of a suffering citizen, imploring must have throbbed and swelled, cheered with our protection. Solon, I think it was, upon the prospect of leaving in a few hours his loath- being asked, "What form of government is some, pestilential dungeon, to breathe once best?" replied, "That form in which the smallmore the free and wholesome air! How it est insult offered to the meanest citizen is conmust have sunk and died within hin, when the sidered an injury to the whole community." doors of his "prison house" were unbarred by Could a better maxim be adopted in a Governa meagre minion, who had come skulking ment like ours? Is there any thing which so through the vaults of those abodes of death, exactly accords with the principles of our conwith another secret order! Mark me again, stitution? This, it is true, is but a single insir-another secret order issued at the same stance of individual oppression; but the outtime, under the same royal signature, com- rage done to the personal rights of the victim; manding his keeper to hold the prisoner at his the infraction of national law; and the affront, peril. Yes, sir, one order, public and notorious the insult offered to our Government, is exactly for his releasement, and another secret order the same as if half a million had been incarcerfor confinement, of the same date, and under ated; for he held that our system of Governthe same royal signature. If these facts be true, ment is the true poetic chain, which links us the case stands without a parallel in ancient or together as a band of brothers-and modern times. Even the case of Czerney George has no similitude; he was a monster, executed by the Turk, because he had, in cold blood, plunged his sabre through the heart of his own father. Whereas Mr. Meade is acknowledged to be an innocent victim, suffering under royal displeasure. I will not attempt, said Mr. T., to paint the horrors of a Spanish dungeon, or the sickenings of hope at protracted confinement. It is not my wish to excite public feeling, and I utterly disclaim all intention of connecting this subject with other questions, now under discussion, or which may fall under discussion, between this Government and Spain. Mr. T. averred also that he had entire confidence in the late and present Executive heads of the Government, and had no doubt that every thing which could be done, had been done, in behalf of Mr. Meade. But he held it the duty of this House to inquire into this (he would again call it) extraordinary case, and, if the facts and circumstances shall require it, make such expression of its opinion as will add weight and force to future Executive exertions. If the case were as well-founded as rumor told, he for one, was ready to volunteer his arm in defence of Mr. Meade, and breast the storm, unfearing consequences. For, said he, while I have the honor of a seat in this House, no lawless despot shall lay an angry finger on a fellowcitizen of mine, without the hazard of bringing that finger to the block. He was one of those, he said, who were willing to believe that we ought not, at this time, uselessly to embroil ourselves with any foreign power; and he was thoroughly satisfied that it is our best and wisest policy to husband our resources, our men, and our means, to meet the coming con- The debate continued on the main subject flict with the only nation that dare strike us and on the proposed amendment of Mr. HARupon the land or on the water-the only nation RISON. In this debate, Messrs. BLOOMFIELD, S. that can send us a Hannibal, or whom we shall | SMITH, HARRISON, COLSTON, BALDWIN, Clagett,

We are bound, sir, said Mr. T., under our constitution, to protect the life, liberty, and property, of every citizen of our country. But where may he claim that protection? Or rather, where shall his right to claim it cease? Is it confined to the limits of the Union? or does it not extend to the remotest region of the globe, which is visited by our people? May the citizen claim it against the savages of the Western wilds, and is he not entitled to it among the still more lawless chieftains of a decaying, perishing, and ruined monarchy? It is not in this land of liberty that the citizen need call for protection; here it comes, as it were, unbidden, to encompass him about; but when oppression falls upon him in a foreign land, among strangers, friendless, and unprotected, his supplicating voice should not be heard in vain; for every thing which is obligatory in the social compact, or honorable in humanity, calls for and commands your protection, as if he stood upon the sacred soil that gave him birth. Who of us, said Mr. T., in the condition of Mr. Meade, would not ask this inquiry of this House? Which of us will refuse it? For the honor of my country, I hope there is not one. The motion of Mr. T. was agreed to without opposition or further debate.

Revolutionary Survivors.

The House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill concerning the surviving officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary

war.

Commutation Bill.

HOPKINSON, RHEA, Ross, and INGHAM, bore | ing to be informed whether any, and which of the part. Representatives, in a list thereto annexed, have held offices since the 4th of March last, designating the offices, the times of appointment and acceptance, and whether they were at that time so held, or when they had been resigned, I now transmit a report from the Secretary of State, which contains the in

The House took up the amendments reported by the committee; when various propositions were successively made and discussed, to disa-States, appointed 19th December, 1810, resigned gree to or amend many of them.

The following Message was received from the doing which, he entered somewhat into an exPRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES:

To the House of Representatives of the United States:
In compliance with a resolution of the House of
Representatives of the 12th of this month, request-

DECEMBER, 1817.]

Georgia Militia Claims.

[H. OF R.

office to be cancelled, to receive a certificate of ple of the Northwest yet have cause to rememthe quantity of land surrendered; and where ber it with grief and sorrow. The tribes upon patents have issued, the patentee to surrender the frontiers of the State of Georgia, as savage his patent to the Commissioner of the General in their character, and more formidable in Land Office within - months after the pas-point of numbers, were not much less inclined sage of this act, in order to avail himself of the to hostility. They were subject to the same provisions thereof, and deposit at the same time influence which had been exercised upon an affidavit that he has not transferred or sold their Northern brethren, aided by that of such patent to any person whatever, and re- Spain, with which power the United States ceive a certificate therefor; and for these certi- were at that time in warm dispute, about ficates such soldier or his agent shall receive the navigation of the Mississippi River, and for certificates of stock bearing an interest of six other causes. The intrigues of Spain were at per cent. per annum, redeemable at the pleas- that time well known, and scarcely denied, as are of the Government, or within five years, at the public documents of the day amply testify. the rate of one dollar per acre for the land for Of this, any gentleman could satisfy himself by which the warrant or patent has been surren- consulting the volume of secret documents, latedered, &c. Mr. R. thought the bill important, ly published. From these causes, Mr. C. said, both as it regarded the soldier and the United in the years 1792-23, the situation of the inhabStates, but infinitely more important to the in-itants upon the Western frontiers of Georgia, terest of the latter. It was all-important, he was alarming to an indescribable degree. Sufargued, that these lands should be taken out of fice it to say, as had once before been said upon the hands of speculators, and be redeemed by the same subject, that the peaceable citizen the nation. His amendment offered conditions knew not, when he retired to repose, that he to the soldier much more liberal, at the same would ever awake; or, if he did, that he might time that it would be more convenient to the not be roused by the horrid yells of the savage Government than the provisions of the present warwhoop, and but to behold his helpless fambill. The interest of both parties would be ily the bleeding victims of the Indian tomahawk preserved, and the community rescued from and scalping knife. that speculation which would, without this bill, certainly take place. Mr. R. dwelt some time on the policy of this measure-the expediency of which he illustrated by several argumentsand on the advantages of the change which he proposed in the bill.

The amendment offered by Mr. R. having been read

On motion of Mr. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, the proposed amendment was ordered to be printed, and the whole subject to lie on the table.

Georgia Militia Claims.

On motion of Mr. COBB, of Georgia, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill providing for the payment of the claims of certain detachments of the militia of Georgia, for services in defence of that State, in the years 1793 and 1794.

Mr. COBB observed, that the filling the blank necessarily involved the merits of the bill, for that, before the committee could be required to fill the blank with a certain sum, they should be satisfied whether any thing was due. He hoped he should be able satisfactorily to convince the committee of the justice of the claim, and that the sum proposed was the proper amount to be appropriated.

It was not to be expected that the Executive of Georgia would calmly behold the blood-chilling scenes of murder and depredation, at that time but commencing upon the frontiers of the State. Had he done so, he would have merited and received the curses of his countrymen and posterity. Fortunately, the Executive chair of the State was then filled by one who was ever feelingly alive to the sufferings of his fellowcitizens. He now reposes in the grave! But his virtues and his patriotism are yet remembered, and his loss deplored. I allude, said Mr. C., to the late Governor Telfair.

Early in the year 1792, he made the necessary communications to the War Department. On the 27th of October of that year, the Secretary at War, by letter, gave him a most ample discretionary power, as the extract following will show: "If the information you may receive, shall substantiate clearly any hostile designs of the Creeks against the frontiers of Georgia, you will be pleased to take the most effectual measures for the defence thereof, which may be in your power, and which the occasion may require." It is impossible that words better suited to conferring an ample discretionary power could have been used. The Governor of Georgia is constituted the judge of the danger Mr. C. said, that the pacification of the Indian and of the amount of the force. The state of tribes, which was anticipated by the treaties the frontiers required that such a power should made with them between the years 1787 and be conferred, at that particular time, and it 1792, was not accomplished. In the year 1792, was conferred. It was necessary, because of the tribes upon the Northwestern frontiers of the uncertainty of the extent to which the Inthe United States, from British intrigues, as dians would carry their hostility. It was newas then and yet is believed, assumed an atti-cessary, because of the difficulty, and trouble, tude of widely extended hostility. Nor was it long before their threatenings terminated in a war, so dreadful in its character, that the peo

and expense, of bringing a militia force into action, none of which should be encountered, if to be avoided without danger.