flict ensued. King-Paine was killed and Bow-legs wounded. The fight lasted about four hours, and the Indians succeeded in carrying off the body of King-Paine. The original name of Billy Bow-legs (as he is now called) appears to have been Boleck, which has been corrupted into Bow-legs.

ain.

Neamathla, a Seminole, was a chief of note before the last war with Great Brit After the Seminole war, he lived upon a good estate at Tallahassee, of which a mile square was under improvement. This, in 1823, at the head of the chiefs of his nation, he gave up, with other lands, for the benefit of the United States, by a treaty made at Moultrie Creek.

Micanopy, the king of the nation, the grandson of King-Paine, was at first op posed to the removal of his people west of the Mississippi. He afterward, in 1832, signed a conditional treaty to remove. He is described as a short, thick-set, ugly looking Indian, and given to intoxication. Jumper, an Indian of some note, was Micanopy's chief counselor.

ENSLAVEMENT OF MEDITERRANEAN COLONISTS IN FLORIDA.

After the year 1763, when Florida fell into the possession of the English, emigrants from England began to arrive in the country. Several of the Eng lish nobility settled plantations on Hillsboro' River, on St. John's River, and on Amelia Island, in the peninsula of East Florida. Settlements, also, were made at Pensacola. Lord Rollo, beside, obtained a grant of land on St. John's River, where he formed a colony called Charlotia, to which he transported nearly three hundred prostitutes from London, with the hope of making of them good members of society; but death, in a few years, removed them from his charge. Another colony was formed of Greeks, Corsicans and Minorcans, the sad history of which we annex from Monette's History of the Mississippi Valley :

Dr. Turnbull, of notorious memory, and Sir William Duncan, tried a different experiment for peopling Florida. The former sailed for the Peloponnesus, and for the sum of four hundred pounds sterling, obtained permission of the governor of Modon to convey to Florida a large number of Greek families. In 1767 he arrived with one small vessel, and took as many Greeks as he could obtain. On his way from Modon, he put in at the islands of Corsica and Minorca, and there procured several vessels, and augmented the number of his settlers to fifteen hundred. He agreed to carry them free of expense, to furnish them with good provisions and clothing, and, at the end of three years, to give to each head of a family fifty acres, and to each child twenty-five acres of land. If they should be dissatisfied at the end of six months he agreed to send them back to their native country. These were the terms promised, but never complied with.

They had a long and tedious voyage of four months, and many of the old people died on the voyage. They arrived in Florida in the fall season, and a grant of six thousand acres of land for the settlement was made by the governor of Florida. To shelter them through the winter they built huts of palmetto, and proceeded to prepare the fields for the opening spring. The settlement was designated "New Smyrna," and its location was about four miles west of Musqueto Inlet, and seventy-four south of St. Augustine.

After a sufficient quantity of provisions had been raised, Turnbull directed his attention to the cultivation and manufacture of indigo, and reduced his ignorant and helpless foreigners to the most abject and disgraceful slavery. In five years they had nearly three thousand acres of good land in a fine state of cultivation; and the nett value of the indigo crop, for one year, amounted to three thousand one hundred and seventy-four dollars.

Turnbull's avarice seemed to increase with his prosperity; but he failed to comply with his agreements, or to fulfill his contracts. From the colonists he selected a few Italians, whom he made overseers and drivers, and they exercised over the remainder such cruelty and oppression as is known only under English masters.

Men, women and children, indiscriminately, were subjected to the lash, and to the most inhuman treatment and privations.

Tasks were assigned them for the week as large as they could possibly perform. The food allowed the laborers was seven quarts of shelled corn per week for the whites; to the negroes on the plantations ten quarts per week were allowed. Sat urday and Sunday were allowed to supply themselves with meat by fishing and hunting. The sick and invalids were allowed only three and a half quarts of corn per week.

Most of the Minorcans and Corsicans had brought a good supply of clothing with them; when these were worn out, they were furnished with one suit of Osnaburgs each year. One blanket and one pair of shoes, for the whole term, were given to the men; but none were allowed to the women, although many of them had been accustomed to live in comparatively easy circumstances in their own country.

For nine years were this people kept in ignominious bondage, ground down by a tyranny unequaled by the relentless Spaniards of St. Domingo. During the last three years they were supplied with no clothing at all, but were permitted to buy on credit at a public store belonging to the company, thus creating a debt which served as a pretext for their detention. On the most trifling occasions they were beaten without mercy, and negroes were usually chosen as the instruments of diabolical cruelty, they being often compelled to beat and lacerate those who failed to perform their tasks, until many of them died. Sometimes, after having the skin scourged from their backs, they were left tied to trees all night, naked and exposed, for swarms of musquetoes to fatten on their blood and to aggravate their tortures. If induced by despair to run away, they were captured by the negroes of the neighboring plantations, who received a bounty for their apprehension and delivery. Some wandered off and sought an asylum in the woods, where they died of hunger and disease, or sought the protection of the Indians.

At the end of nine years their number, including the natural increase, was reduced to six hundred. These people, living under the protection of a nation which boasts its freedom, and that its very soil strips the shackles from the slave, were. by a mere accident, released from their cruel tyrant. Secluded, overtasked and isolated, they knew not their rights, nor the means of obtaining them. In the summer of 1776, some English gentlemen from St. Augustine, making an excursion down the coast, called at "New Smyrna" to see the improvements, especially a spacious stone mansion-house, which had been commenced for the proprietor. Seeing the wretched and degraded condition of the people, one of the gentlemen observed, in the hearing of an intelligent boy, "that if these people knew their rights," they would not submit to such slavery. The boy repeated the remark to his mother, and she took counsel with her friends at night, to gain more intelligence on the subject.

A plan was devised to send three individuals ostensibly to the coast to obtain a supply of turtle, but, in fact, to St. Augustine. They arrived in safety, and soon had an interview with Mr. Younge, the attorney-general of the province. They made known their business, and he promised them the protection guarantied to them by the laws. Governor Grant, who is supposed to have been personally connected with Turnbull in the slavery of these Greeks and Minorcans, had been superseded by Governor Tonyn, who sought to render himself popular by causing justice to be done to these long-injured people.

The messengers returned, after a few days, with the joyful intelligence that justice was in prospect; but the mission must be concealed, as well as the intelligence received. Although Turnbull was absent, they feared the overseers, and dreaded their cruelty. They met in secret and chose M. Pallacier for their leader, and secretly arranged the plan of their departure. Upon a given day, formed into a phalanx, the armed and strong men guarding the women and children, they marched in a body toward St. Augustine. So secretly had the whole plan been concerted, that they were some miles on their way before the overseers discovered that the settlement was deserted.

Turnbull, their tyrannical master, having been informed of their departure, rode many miles after them, and overtook them before they reached St. Augustine; but

his entreaties were unavailing to induce them to return. At St. Augustine they were supplied with provisions by the order of the governor; their case was tried before the judges, and their cause honestly advocated by the attorney-general. Turnbull could show no cause for their detention, and they were set at liberty; but they had no redress for the wrongs which they had already endured upon British soil and under British jurisdiction.

To supply them with homes, they were offered lands for settlement near New Smyrna; but, fearing some treachery in Turnbull, they refused to return to that place. Grounds were, therefore, assigned them in the northern suburbs of St. Augustine, where they erected their houses, and cultivated gardens for the town supplies. The same grounds to this day are occupied by many of their descendants, who now constitute a respectable, and in some instances a wealthy and intelligent portion of the population of that city.

FLORIDA WAR.

As early as 1821 Gen. Jackson, at that time governor of Florida, strongly urged government to take measures to send back all the Creek Indians who had in 1814 and 1818 fled to Florida, as he apprehended that an increase of the Indian popula tion in that country would sooner or later produce bad consequences. In 1822 Col. J. M. White, the representative of that territory, urged upon the secretary of war the necessity of adopting those measures proposed by Gen. Jackson as the only efficient mode to give peace and quiet to the country.

These recommendations were so far disregarded that a treaty was held with these Indians, and others, on the peninsula of Florida, on the 18th of September, 1823, at Camp Moultrie, which stipulated for their continuance in the territory during twenty years. By this treaty the Seminoles relinquished all their claim to lands in Florida, with the exception of a tract, estimated to contain about five millions of acres, within the limits of which they bound themselves to continue. The United States were to pay the Indians $2,000 to aid them in removing to the reservation; to furnish them with articles of husbandry, stock, etc., to the amount of $6,000; to furnish them with provisions for one year; to pay them $4,500 for the improvements which they had surrendered with their lands; to allow them $1,000 per annum for a blacksmith, and $1,000 per annum for a schoolmaster, these two last allowances to continue for twenty years.

In less than a year from the treaty complaints were made to the authorities of depredations on the property of the whites, their fields having been plundered and their cattle driven off and killed; these outrages were laid to the Indians. There is, however, strong evidence that the whites first committed depredations of this kind upon the property of the Indians.*

Another source of great irritation to the Indians was the vile impositions of a

*The Indians in numerous instances acted in a mild and forbearing manner under the most trying circumstances. When their property was taken from them they made no resistance; their hands were bound, as the severest punishment awaited any attack they might make against intruders, although justified by circumstances. The testimony of an Indian could not be received in a court of justice-the white man's oath would condemn him to severe punishment. Two men from Georgia, by the names of Robinson and Wilburn, taking advantage of the excitement against the Indians, circulated unfavorable reports against Econchatta Mico, a high-minded and honorable chief, stating that he was about to join the hostile Indians; by this means they succeeded in dispossessing the chief and his people of their fire-arms, and other means of defense, when these villains took forcible possession of twenty of his slaves, valued at about $15,000, and carried them off to New Orleans. Col. John Blount, another estimable chief, was inhumanly beaten by a party of white men, who robbed him of several hundred dollars; he made application to the authorities, but the whites were allowed to escape. A man by the name of Floyd was employed by an Indian woman to recover some negroes for her, and instead of presenting a mere power of attorney for her signature she found, alas! it was a bill of sale for all her negroes! Another individual was requested by Micanopy, governor of the Seminoles, to draw a piece of writing for him, to which, without suspicion of its character, he attached his name; it was soon after discovered to be a conveyance of a large tract of land!

pecuniary nature repeatedly practiced upon them by persons holding official stations. One of the government agents was a delinquent to them for a considerable amount. He robbed the principal interpreter of the nation, a very influential black chief by the name of Abraham, of several hundred dollars, by getting a receipt from him without paying the money, under the plea that it was necessary to send the receipt to Washington, where it was filed to the credit of the agent. Several other Indians of influence were robbed in a similar manner, and when they demanded the money from the succeeding agent they were told the government would not pay them.

The annoyance to the whites arising from the Indians being so near them resulted in numerous petitions being sent to the president praying for their removal sooner than the time fixed on by the treaty at Camp Moultrie. These memorials were so far regarded by the president that a new treaty was immediately decided upon. Col. Gadsden, a citizen of Florida, was appointed a commissioner to make known to the Indians the views of the government, and, if possible, to secure a new arrangement. He accordingly went into the nation, and on the 8th of April, 1832, had an interview with Micanopy and a few other chiefs on the subject of a removal of their tribe west of the Mississippi. At this time he found but little objection to the proposal, on account of the almost starved condition of the Indians from the failure of their crops the preceding year. Micanopy said he wished all his people to hear what their father in Washington had to say, and as many of their warriors were out upon their annual hunt from one to two hundred miles down the peninsula, he wished Col. Gadsden to defer his communication for thirty days. Accordingly the 8th of May following was fixed upon as the day for the council, and Payne's Landing as the place of meeting. According to arrangement, the parties met, and on the 8th of May and the day following a treaty was signed by such chief's and head men who had assembled, to the number of fifteen. It is said that this treaty was signed only on the condition that the chiefs whom they should send to see the country should bring back a favorable report.

The importance of an early ratification of this treaty was earnestly pressed upon the attention of government. Two years, however, were suffered to elapse before its validity was acknowledged, and some time after that before the appropriations were made. In the mean time the Indians became dissatisfied with it, and it was openly denounced as a "white man's treaty." One of the principal causes of hostility to emigration was the fact of their holding a large number of negro slaves. Many of these negroes were claimed by the Creek Indians, under the treaty made in 1821, by which the United States agreed to pay to the citizens of Georgia for the slaves detained among the Creeks; these slaves, it was alleged by the Creeks, were in possession of Seminoles, and were unjustly detained from them. This was, however, denied by the latter.

The representations of the numerous whisky dealers who had located themselves on the Indian borders had probably considerable influence with the Indians against emigrating. These pests to the Indians made a profitable business in selling them strong drink, and of course did not like to lose their customers.

The ratification of the treaty on the part of the United States having taken place, the agent was instructed to convene a general council of the Seminole chiefs, in order that they might prepare themselves for emigration. This council met at Fort King Oct. 23, 1834. The chiefs on this occasion made many complaints against the whites, who they said had forced them into the treaty, and that their people were unwilling to remove. In 1835 another effort was made to obtain the consent of the Indians for a removal. Several hundred chiefs and warriors were assembled. A "talk" from President Jackson was delivered to them, enforced and illustrated by the agent and Gen. Clinch, the purport of which was that they must remove, or they would be compelled to do so without delay. Some of the chiefs were in favor of this, but the principal ones were firm in their opposition, and expressed themselves accordingly.

The firmest friend to emigration was Facta Lusta Hajo (Black-dirt). By his influence eight of the principal chiefs of the nation and eight sub-chiefs signed a treaty sanctioning their removal. Five of the principal chiefs remained opposed, viz: Micanopy, Jumper, Holato Mico, Coa Hajo and Arpiucki. Gen. Thompson,

the agent, now took the high-handed and tyrannical step of striking the names of these five chiefs from the council of the nation, declaring that he would not recognize them as chiefs.

The Indians discovering the hopelessness of their situation determined to oppose the efforts of the government, and at a great meeting of the nation at Big Swamp resolved on retaining possession of their country, and condemned all who should oppose their views to instant death. Immediately upon this, five of the principal chiefs, with about four hundred and fifty of their people who were friendly to a removal, fled to Fort Brook on the 9th of November, and encamped on the opposite side of the Hillsboro River. Marauding parties of Indians now commenced operations by pillaging and destroying everything of value. Conflagration succeeded conflagration, until the whole country from Fort Brooke to Fort King was laid waste, while those who lived in the interior, abandoning their houses, stock, etc., sought protection within the forts or picketed towns.

On the 26th of November a party of about four hundred warriors, headed by Osceola, and others, proceeded to the residence of Charley Amathla, and demanded a pledge from him that he would oppose the removal of his people This chief nobly replied that as he had given his promise that he would remove, rather than break it he would suffer death. He was allowed two hours to deliberate whether he would join them or suffer death. He remained firm in his determination to abide by his word, and was accordingly shot by Osceola.

At this period the whole military force stationed in Florida amounted to 489 men, which were distributed as follows: at St. Augustine, 53; at Fort Brooke, on Hillsboro' Bay, 133; and at Fort King, six companies, consisting in the whole of 303 men. The force of the hostile Indians at this time has been estimated at about two thousand warriors.

When the news of the death of Charley Amathla reached Fort King, Gen. Clinch immediately decided upon attacking a body of Indians who had assembled in the vicinity of the forks of the Withlacoochee River, and should he succeed in routing them he hoped it would effectually put down all opposition. For this purpose he gave orders to the commanding officer at Fort Brooke to place two companies in motion on the 16th of Dec., in order to form a junction with the troops from Fort King, at or near the forks of the Withlacoochee. This order was, however, susspended by Major Belton, in consequence of his small force (120 men) to protect the garrison; and from information which he had received of the strong position which the Indians occupied on the river. This plan was therefore deferred until the arrival of other forces. On the 18th of December, Col. Warren, of the militia, who had been ordered out for the defense of the frontier, put his command in motion to scour a large hammock near Wacahonta, where he supposed the Indians were embodied. Not wishing to be incumbered with baggage, he directed Dr. M'Lemore, with an escort of thirty men, to proceed direct with the train to Witumkey, whither he would march on his return. When the train had reached Payne's prairie, fifty or sixty Indians arose from ambush and opened a spirited fire on the guard, killing eight and wounding six; the others retired to Micanopy. The Indians also killed five of the horses, and wounded six more; they then took possession of the baggage, ammunition, etc., and set the wagon on fire.

At this time Gen. Clinch was stationed at Ft. Crane, in the interior of Florida, about seventy miles south-west of St. Augustine. Being supposed to be in imminent danger from the Indians, and also in great want of supplies, Major Dade was dispatched, at the head of Tampa Bay, with eight officers and one hundred and two men, to his assistance. On the 28th of December, 1835, having proceeded about half way, and reached an open pine country about six miles north-east of the Withlacoochee River, he fell into an Indian ambuscade.

"Suddenly, about mid-day, they were attacked on all sides with a continuous volley of small arms, accompanied by horrid yells, from an unseen enemy in the high grass; and so terrible was the first discharge that Major Dade was killed, and nearly half his detachment disabled. The remainder, under Lieut. Bassinger, sheltered themselves behind trees, while five or six discharges of canister from the six pounder caused the Indians to disperse and retire. On their retreat, Captain Gardiner immediately commenced the erection of a triangular breast-work, by cut