« ՆախորդըՇարունակել »
them, as far as possible. If this danger does ex. it would not augment the number of slaves, but ist, or there is any cause to apprehend it, and our merely authorize the removal to Indiana of such Western brethren are not only willing but desi as are held in bondage in the United States. If rous to aid us in taking precautions against it. Slavery is an evil, means ought to be devised to would it not be wise to accept their assistance? sender it least dangerous to the community, and
We should benefit ourselves, without injuring by which the hapless situation of the slaves would them, as their population must always so far ex- be most ameliorated; and to accomplish these obceed any black population which can ever exist in jects, no measure would be so effectual as the that country, as to render the idea of danger from one proposed. The Committee, therefore, re. that source chimerical.
spectfully submit to the House the following reso
lution : After discussing other subjects embodied “ Resolved, That it is expedient to suspend, in the Indiana memorial, the committee close from and after the 1st day of January, 1808, the with a series of Resolves, which they com-sixth article of compact between the United States mend to the adoption of the House. The and the Territories
and States northwest of tho first and only one germane to our subject term of ten years."
Obio, passed the 13th day of July, 1787, for the is as follows: Resolved, That the sixth article of the Ordi.
This report, with its predecessors, was nance of 1787, which prohibits Slavery within committed, and made a special order, but the Indiana Territory: be suspended for ten never taken into consideration. years, so as to permit the introduction of slaves, born within the United States, from any of the individual States.
The same letter of Gen. Harrison, and reThis report and resolve were committed solves of the Indiana Legislature, were suband made a special order on the Monday mitted to the Senate, Jan. 21st, 1807. They following, but were never taken into consid- were laid on the table “for consideration, eration.
and do not appear to have even been referred At the next session, a fresh letter from at that session ; but at the next, or first sesGov. William Henry Harrison, inclosing re- sion of the fourth Congress, which convened solves of the Legislative Council and House Oct. 26th, 1807, the President (Nov. 7th) of Representatives in favor of suspending, for submitted a letter from Gen. Harrison and his a limited period, the sixth article of compact Legislature—whether a new or the old one aforesaid, was received (Jan. 21st, 1807) and does not appear—and it was now referred to referred to a Select Committee, whereof Mr. a select committee, consisting of Messrs. J. B. Parke, delegate from said Territory, was Franklin of N. C., Kitchel of N. J., and made chairman. The entire Committee (Mr. Tiffin of Ohio. Nathaviel Macon of N. C. being now Speak- Nov, 13th, Mr. Franklin, from said comer) consisted of
mittee, reported as follows : Messrs. Alston of N. C.
Rhea of Tenn.
“The Legislative Council and House of Repo Masters of N. Y. Sandford of Ky. resentatives, in their resolutions, express their Morrow of Ohio.
Trigg of Va.
sense of the propriety of introducing Slavery into Parke of Ind.
their Territory, and solicit the Congress of the Mr. Parke, from this Committee, made United States to suspend, for a given number of (Feb. 12th,) a third Report to the House in nance for the government of the Territory north
years, the sixth article of compact, in the ordifavor of granting the prayer of the meino- west of the Ohio, passed the 13th day of July, rialists. It is as follows:
1787. That article declares: There shall be nei “The resolutions of the Legislative Council ther Slavery nor involuntary servitude within the
said Territory.' and House of Representatives of the Indiana Ter
“ The citizens of Clark County, in their remon. ritory, relate to a suspension, for the term of ten strance, express their sense of the impropriety of years, of the sixth article of compact between the the measure, and solicit the Congress of the United States and the Territories and States north- United States not to act on the subject, so as to west of the river Ohio, passed the 13th July, 1787. permit the introduction of slaves into the TerriThat article declares that there shall be neither fory; at least, until their population shall entitle Slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said them to form a constitution and State govern. Territory.
ment. “The suspension of the said article would ope- “Your Committee, after duly considering the rate an iinmediate and essential benefit to the Ter- matter, respectfully submit the following resoluritory, as emigration to it will be inconsiderable for
tion: many years, except from those States where Sla
“Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time very is tolerated.
to suspend the sixth article of compact for the "And although it is not considered expedient to force the population of the Territory, yet it is de government of the Territory of the United States
northwest of the River Ohio.” sirable to connect its scattered settlements, and, in admitted political rights, to place it on an equal And here ended, so far as we have been footing with the different States. From the inte able to discover, the effort, so long and earnrior situation of the Territory, it is not believed that slaves could ever become so numerous as to estly persisted in, to procure a suspension of endanger the internal peace or future prosperity the restriction in the Ordinance of 1787, so as of the country. The current of emigration flow to admit Slavery, for a limited term, into the ing to the Western country, the Territories should Terrritory lying between the Ohio and Misall be opened to their introduction. The abstract question of Liberty and Slavery is not involved in sissippi rivers, now forming the States of the proposed measure, as Slavery now exists to a Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wis. considerable extent in different parts of the Union; consin.
THE FIRST MISSOURI STRUGGLE.
for its second session, on the 16th of Novem-
Committee of the Whole-Gen. Smith, of
hibited, except for the punishment of crimes,
whereof the party shall be duly convicted ; and “ Art. III. The inhabitants of the ceded terri- that all children of slaves, born within the said tory shall be incorporated into the Union of the State, after the adınission thereof into the Union, United States, and admitted as soon as possible, shall be free, but may be held to service until the according to the principles of the Federal Consti- age of twenty-five years." tution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United
On coming out of Committee, the Yeas and States ; and in the mean time they shall be main. Nays were called on the question of agreeing tained and protected in the free enjoyment of to this amendment, which was sustained by their liberty, property, and the religion which the following vote : [taken first on agreeing they profess."
to so much of it as precedes and includes the The State of Louisiana, embodying the word “ convicted.") southern portion of this acquired territory, YEAS For the Restriction : was recognized by Congress in 1811, and
NEW HAMPSHIRE.—Clifton Clagett, Samuel fully admitted in 1812, with a State Consti- Hale, Arthur Livermore, Nathaniel Upham-4. tution. Those who chose to dwell among
MASSACHUSETTS--(then including Maine):-the inhabitants of the residue of the Lou- Benjamin Adams, Samuel C. Allen, Walter Folisiana purchase, henceforth called Missouri Lincoln, Elijah H. Mills, Marcus Morton, Jere
ger, jr., Timothy Fuller, Joshua Gage, Enoch Territory, continued to hold slaves in its miah Nelson, Benjamin Orr, Thomas Rice, Na sparse and small, but increasing settlements, thaniel Ruggles, Zabdiel Sampson, Nathaniel mainly in its southeastern quarter, and a
Silsbee, John Wilson--15.
RHODE ISLAND).--James B. Mason-1. pro-slavery court-perhaps any court
CONNECTICUT.-Sylvester Gilbert, Ebenezer would undoubtedly have pronounced Sla- Huntington, Jonathan O. Moseley, Timothy Pitvery legal anywhere on its vast expanse, kin, Samuel B. Sherwood, Nathaniel Terry, Thofrom the Mississippi to the crests of the mas S. Williams—7. Rocky Mountains, if not beyond them, and Orsamus C. Merrill, Charles Rich, Mark Rich
VERMONT.-Samuel C. Crafts, William Hunter, from the Red River of Louisiana to the Lake ards-5. of the Woods.
New-York.-Oliver C. Comstock, John P. The XV th Congress assembled at Wash-Cushman, John R. Drake, Benjamin Ellicott Joington, on Monday, Dec. 1st, 1817. Henry Hubbard, William Irving, Dorrance Kirtland,
siah Hasbrouck, John Herkimer, Thomas H. Clay was chosen Speaker of the House. Mr. Thomas Lawyer, John Palmer, John Savage, John Scott appeared on the 8th, as delegate Philip J. Schuyler, John C. Spencer, Treadweli from Missouri Territory, and was admitted Scudder, James Tallmadge, John W. Taylor, Cato a seat as such. On the 16th of March fol- leb Tompkins, Geo. Townsend, Peter H. Wen
dover, Rensselaer Westerlo, James W. Wilkin, lowing, he presented petitions of sundry in- Isaac Williams-23. habitants of Missouri, in addition to similar NEW-JERSEY.-Ephraim Bateman, Benjamin petitions already presented by him, praying for Bennett, Charles Kinsey, John Linn, Henry the admission of Missouri into the Union as
Southard-5. a State, which were, on motion, referred to a Boden, Isaac Darlington, Joseph Heister, Joseph
PENNSYLVANIA.-William Anderson, Andrew Select Committee, consisting of
Hopkinson, Jacob Hostetter, William Maclay,
William P. Maclay, David Marchand, Robert Messrs. Scott of Mo. Poindexter of Miss. Ro- Moore, Samuel Moore, John Murray, Alexander bertson of Ky. Hendricks of Ind. Livermore Ogle, Thomas Patterson, Levi Pawling, Thomas of N. H. Mills of Mass. Baldwin of Pa,
J. Rogers, John Sergeant, James M. Wallace,
John Whiteside, William Wilson-20. April 3rd, Mr. Scott, from this Commit- Oh10.—Levi Barber, Philemon Beecher, John tee, reported a bill to authorize the People W. Campbell, Samuel Herrick, Peter Hitchcock of Missouri Territory to form a Constitution
-5. and State Government, and for the admission
DELAWARE.-Willard Hall-1. of such State into the Union on an equal footing with the original States ; which bill
Total Yeas 87—only one (the last named) was read the first and second time, and sent from a Slave State. to the Committee of the Whole, where it NAYS—Against the Restriction : slept for the remainder of the session.
MASSACHUSETTS.—John Holmes, Jonathan That Congress convened at Washington / Mason, Henry Shaw~3.
New-York.—Daniel Cruger, David A. Ogden, / question (Feb. 15th) appears in the AppenHenry R. Storrs—3.
dix to Niles's Register, vol. xvi. NEW JERSEY.-Joseph Bloomfield-1, New. HAMPSHIRE.-John F. Parrott--1.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEB. 15, 1819. OH10.-William Henry Harrison-1.
Illinois.-John McLean-1. [10 from Free Mr. Tallmadge, of New York, having States.]
moved the following amendment, on the Saturday DELAWARK.-Louis McLane-1.
precedingMARYLAND.--Archibald Austin, Thomas Bayly; Thomas Culbreth, Peter Little, George Peter,
“And provided that the introduction of Slavery, Philip Reed, Samuel Ringgold, Samuel Smith, for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party
or involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except Philip Stuart-9. VIRGINIA.-William Lee Ball, Philip P. Bar
has been duly convicted, and that all children bour, Burwell Bassett, William A. Burwell, Ed. born within the said State, after the admission ward Colston, Robert Š. Garnett, James Johnson, thereof into the Union, shall be declared free at William J. Lewis, William McCoy, Hugh Nelson, the age of 25 years." Thomas M. Nelson, John Pegram, James Pindall. James Pleasants, Ballard Smith, Alexander in the admission of new States into the Union. he
Mr. FULLER, of Massachusetts, said, that Smyth, Henry St. George Tucker, John Tyler considered that Congress had a discretionary 18. Davidson, Weldon N. Edwards, Charles Fisher, them; but nothing in that section, or in any part NORTH CAROLINA.-Joseph H. Bryan, William power:. By the 4th article and 3d section of the
Constitution, Congress are authorized to admit Thomas H. Hall, James Owen, Lemuel Sawyer, of the Constitution, enjoins the admission as imThomas Little, Jesse Slocumb, James G. Smith, perative, under any circumstances. James Stewart, Felix Walker, Lewis Williams, otherwise, he would request gentlemen to point
If it were 13.
out what were the circumstances or conditions South CAROLINA.-James Ervin, William Lowndes, Henry Middleton, Wilson Nesbitt, El. precedent, which being found to exist, Congress
must admit the new State. All discretion would, bert Simkins, Sterling Tucker-6. Georgia. -Joel Abbot, Thomas W. Cobb, Za- and deliberation would be useless.
in such case, be taken from Congress, Mr. F. said,
The hon. doc Cook, William Terrell-4.
Kentucky.—Richard C. Anderson, jr., Joseph speaker (Mr. Clay) has said that Congress has no Desha, Richard M. Johnson, Anthony New, right to prescribe any condition whatever to the Thomas Newton, George Robertson, Thomas newly-organized States, but must admit them by a Speed, David Trimble, David Walker-9.
simple act, leaving their sovereignty unrestricted. TENNESSEE. William G. Blount, Francis [Here the speaker explained-he did not intend
to be understood in so broad a sense as Mr. F. Jones, George W. L Marr, John Rhea-4. Mississippi.--George Poindexter-1.
stated.] With the explanation of the honorable LOUISIANA.--Thomas Butler-1.
gentleman, Mr. F. said, I still think his ground as
untenable as before. We certainly have a right, Total Nays, 76—10 from Free States, 66 and our duty to the nation requires, that we should from Slave States.
examine the actual state of things in the proposed The House now proceeded to vote on the makes a REPUBLICAN form of government in the
State; and, above all, the Constitution expressly residue of the reported amendment (from the several States a fundainental principle, to be preword “convicted” above), which was like served under the sacred guarantee of the national wise sustained.—Yeas 82; Nays 78.
legislature.-|Art. 4, sec. 4.) It clearly, therefore,
is the duty of Congress, before admitting a new Messrs. Barber and Campbell of Ohio, Linn of sister into the Union, to ascertain that her constiN. J., and Mason of R. I., who on the former divi- tution or form of government is republican. Now, sion voted Yea, now voted Nay.
sir, the amendment proposed by the gentleman Messrs. Schuyler and Westerlo of N. Y. (Yeas from New York, Mr. Tallmadge, merely requires before) did not vote now. Gen. Smith of Md. that Slavery shall be probibited in Missouri. Does changed from Nay before to Yea now.
this imply anything more than that its constitu
tion shall be republican? The existence of Slavery So the whole amendment—as moved by in any State is, so far, a departure from republiGen. Tallmadge in Committee of the Whole, can principles. The Declaration of Independence, and there carried -was sustained when report this time, a citizen of a State which admits Slave,
penned by the illustrious statesman then, and at ed to the House.
ry, defines the principle on which our national Mr. Storrs of New-York (opposed to and state constitutions are all professedly founded. the Restriction), now moved the striking out the second paragraph of that instrument begins of so much of the bill as provides that the thus : ,,We hold those truths to be self-evident, new State shall be admitted into the Union dowed by their Creator with certain unálienable
that all men are created equal—that they are en. an equal footing with the original rights ; that among these are life, LIBERTY, and States"—which, he contended, was nullified the pursuit of happiness.” Since, then, it cannot by the votes just taken. The House nega- are, in a purely republican government, born free,
be denied that slaves are men, it follows that they tived the motion.
and are entitled to liberty and the pursuit of hapMessrs Desha of Ky., Cobb of Ga., and piness. [Mr. Fuller was here interrupted by seveRhea of Tenn., declared against the bill as ral gentlemen, who thought it improper to quesamended.
tion in debate the republican character of the Messrs. Scott of Mo., and Anderson of slave-holding States, which had also a tendency,
as one gentleman (Mr. Colston, of Virginia) said, Ky., preferred the bill as amended to none. to deprive those States of the right to hold slaves
The House ordered the bill, as amended, as property, and he adverted to the probability to a third reading ; Yeas 98 ; Nays 56. The that there might be slaves in the gallery, listening bill thus passed the House next day, and was that nothing was farther from his thoughts
to the debate. Mr. F. assured the gentleman sent to the Senate.
to question on that floor, the right of Virginia and The following sketch of the debate on this other States, which held slaves when the Consti
tution was established, to continue to hold them. then, the same compact contains certain excepWith that subject the National Legislature could tions. The States then holding slaves are per. not interfere, and ought not to attempt it. But, mitted, from the necessity of the case, and for the Mr. F. continued, if gentlemen will be patient, sake of union, to exclude the republican principle they will see that my remarks will neither dero- so far, and only so far, as to retain their slaves in gate from the constitutional rights of the States, servitude, and also their progeny, as had been the nor from a due respect to their several forms of usage, until they should think it proper or safe to government. Sir, it is my wish to allay, and not conform to the pure principle, by abolishing Slato excite local animosities, but I shall never re- very. The compact contains on its face the frain from advancing such arguments in debate as general principle and the exceptions. But the my duty requires, nor do I believe that the read- attempt to extend Slavery to the new States, is in ing of our Declaration of Independence, or a dis- direct violation of the clause, which guarantees cussion of republican principles on any occasion, a republican form of government to all the States. can endanger the rights, or merit the disapproba. This clause, indeed, must be construed in connec. tion of any porton of the Union.
tion with the exceptions before mentioned; but it My reason, Mr. Chairman, for recurring to the cannot, without violence, be applied to any other Declaration of our Independence, was to draw States than those in which Slavery was allowed from an authority admitted in all parts of the at the formation of the Constitution. Union, a definition of the basis of republican The honorable speaker cites the first clause in government. If, then, all men have equal rights, the 2d section of the 4th article—"The citizens of it can no more comport with the principles of a each State shall be entitled to all the privileges free government to exclude men of a certain color and immunities of citizens of the several States," from the enjoyment of “liberty and the pursuit which he thinks would be violated by the condi. of happiness," than to exclude those who have tion proposed in the Constitution of Missouri. To not attained a certain portion of wealth, or a cer- keep slaves to make one portion of the populatain stature of body, or to found the exclusion on tion the property of another, hardly deserves to any other capricious or accidental circumstance. be called a privilege, since what is gained by the Suppose Missouri, before her admission as a masters must be lost by the slaves. But, indeState, were to submit to us her Constitution, by pendently of this consideration, I think the obwhich no person could elect, or be elected to any servations already offered to the committee, showoffice, unless he possessed a clear annual income ing that holding the black population in servitude of twenty thousand dollars; and suppose we had is an exception to the general principles of the ascertained that only five, or a very small num. Constitution, and cannot be allowed to extend be ber of persons had such an estate, would this be yond the fair import of the terms by which that anything more or less than a real aristocracy, exception is provided, are a sufficient answer to under a form nominally republican ? Election the objection. The gentleman proceeds in the and representation, which some contend are the same train of reasoning, and asks, if Congress can only essential principles of republics, would exist require one condition, how many more can be reonly in name—a shadow without substance, a quired, and where these conditions will end ? With body without a soul. But if all the other inhabit. regard to a republican constitution, Congress are ants were to be made slaves, and mere property obliged to require that condition, and that is of the favored few, the outrage on principle would enough for the present question ; but I contend, be still more palpable. Yet, sir, it is demonstra- further, that Congress has a right, at their discreble, that the exclusion of the black population tion, to require any other reasonable condition. from all political freedom, and making them the Several others were required of Ohio, Indiana, property of the whites, is an equally palpable in- Illinois and Mississippi. The State of Louisiana, vasion of right, and abandonment of principle. If which was a part of the territory ceded to us at we do this in the admiesion of new States, we vio the same time with Missouri, was required to prolate the Constitution, and we have not now the vide in her Constitution for trials by jury, the writ excuse which existed when our National Constitu- of habeas corpus, the principles of civil and relition was established. Then, to effect a concert gious liberty, with several others, peculiar to that of interests, it was proper to make concessions. State. These, certainly, are none of them more The States where Slavery existed not only claimed indispensable ingredients in a republican form of the right to continue it, but it was manifest that a government than the equality of privileges of all general emancipation of slaves could not be asked the population; yet these have not been denied to of them. Their political existence would have be reasonable, and warranted by the National been in jeopardy, both masters and slaves must Constitution in the admission of new States. Nor have been involved in the most fatal conse- need gentlemen apprehend that Congress will set quences.
no reasonable limits to the conditions of admisTo guard against such intolerable evils, it is sion. In the exercise of their constitutional disprovided in the Constitution, “ that the migration cretion on this subject, they are, as in all other or importation of such persons, as any of the ex- cases, responsible to the people. Their power to isting States think proper to admit, shall not be levy direct taxes is not limited by the Constita. prohibited till 1808.”—Art. 1, sec. 9. And it is tion. They may lay a tax of one million of dollars, provided elsewhere, that persons held to service or of a hundred millions, without violating the by the laws of any State, shall be given up by letter of the Constitution; but if the latter enorother States, to which they may have escaped, mous and unreasonable sum were levied, or even etc.-Art. 4, sec. 2.
the former, without evident necessity, the people These provisions effectually recognized the have the power in their own hands--a speedy right in the States, which, at the time of framing corrective is found in the return of the elections. the Constitution, held the blacks in Slavery, to This remedy is so certain, that the representatives continue so to hold them until they should think of the people can never lose sight of it; and, conproper to meliorate their condition. The Consti- sequently, an abuse of their powers to any contution is a compact among all the States then ex- siderable extent can never be apprehended. The isting, by which certain principles of government same reasoning applies to the exercise of all the are established for the whole, and for each indi- powers entrusted to Congress, and the admission vidual State. The predominant principle in both of new States into the Union is in no respect an respects is, that all men are FREE, and have an exception. EQUAL RIGHT TO LIBERTY, and all other privi- One gentleman, however, has contended against leges; or, in other words, the predominant princi- the amendment, because it abridges the rights of ple is REPUBLICANISM, in its largest sense. But, the slaveholding States to transport their slaves
to the new States, for sale or otherwise. This ar. said, that we are bound, by the treaty of cession gument is attempted to be enforced in various with France, to admit the ceded territory into the ways, and particularly by the clause in the Con Union, " as soon as possible.” It is obvious stitution last cited. It admits, however, of a very that the President and Senate, the treaty-making clear answer, by recurring to the 9th section of power, cannot make a stipulation with any for article ist, which provides that “the migration eiga nation in derogation of the constitutional or importation of such persons as any of the States powers and duties of this House, by making it then existing shall admit, shall not be prohibited imperative on us to adınit the new territory acby Congress till 1808." This clearly implies, that cording to the literal tenor of the phrase; but the the migration and importation may be prohibited additional words in the treaty, “ according to the after that year. The importation has been pro- principles of the Constitution," put it beyond all hibited, but the migration has not hitherto been re- doubt that no such compulsory admission was strained; Congress, however, may restrain it,when intended, and that the republican principles of our it may be judged expedient. It is, indeed, con- Constitution are to govern us in the admission of tended by some gentlemen, that migration is either this, as well as all the new States, in the national synonymous with importation, or that it means family, something different from the transportation of slaves from one State to another. It certainly is
Mr. TALLMADGE, of New York, rosenot synonymous with importation, and would not Sir, said he, it has been my desire and my intenhave been used if it had been so. It cannot mean tion to avoid any debate on the present painful exportation, which is also a definite and precise and unpleasant subject. When I had the honor term. It cannot mean the reception of free blacks to submit to this House the amendment now under from foreign countries, as is alleged by some, be consideration, I accompanied it with a declaracause no possible reason existed for regulating tion that it was intended to confine its operation their admission by the Constitution; no free to the newly acquired territory across the Missisblacks ever came from Africa, or any other coun. sippi ; and I then expressly declared, that I would try, to this; and to introduce the provision by the in no manner intermeddle with the slaveholding side of that for the importation of slaves, would States, nor attempt manumission in any one of the have been absurd in the highest degree. Wbat original States in the Union. Sir, I'even went alternative remains but to apply the term “migra further, and stated that I was aware of the delition” to the transportation of slaves from those cacy of the subject-and, that I had learned from States, where they are admitted to be held, to southern gentlemen the difficulties and the danother States. Such a provision might have in gers of having free blacks intermingling with view a very natural object. The price of slaves slaves; and, on that account, and with a view to might be affected so far by a sudden prohibition the safety of the white population of the adjoining to transport slaves from State to State, that it was States, I would not even advocate the prohibition as reasonable to guard against that inconvenience of Slavery in the Alabama territory; because, as against the sudden interdiction of the importa- surrounded as it was by slaveholding States, and tion. Hitherto it has not been found necessary with only imaginary lines of division, the interfor Congress to prohibit migration or transport course between slaves and free blacks could not ation from State to State. But now it becomes the be prevented, and a servile war might be the reright and duty of Congress to guard against the sult. While we deprecate and mourn over the further extension of the intolerable evil and the evil of Slavery, humanity and good morals require crying enormity of Slavery.
us to wish its abolition, under circumstances conThe expediency of this measure is very appa-sistent with the safety of the white population. rent. The opening of an extensive slave market | Willingly, therefore, will I submit to an evil will tempt the cupidity of those who, otherwise, which we cannot safely remedy. I admitted all perhaps, might gradually emancipate their slaves that had been said of the danger of having free We have heard much, Mr. Chairman, of the Colo- blacks visible to slaves, and, therefore, did not nization Society ; an institution which is the fa hesitate to pledge myself that I would neither advorite of the humane gentlemen in the slavehold vise nor attempt coercive manumission. But, sir, ing States. They have long been lamenting the all these reasons cease when we cross the banks miseries of Slavery, and earnestly seeking for a of the Mississippi, into a territory separated by a remedy compatible with their own safety, and the natural boundary-a newly acquired territory, happiness of their slaves. At last the great deside- never contemplated in the formation of our gov. ratum is found-a colony in Africa for the eman-ernment, not included within the compromise or cipated blacks. How will the generous intentions mutual pledge in the adoption of our Constituof these humane persons be frustrated, if the price tion-a new territory acquired by our common of slaves is to be doubled by a new and boundless fund, and ought justly to be subject to our commarket! Instead of emancipation of the slaves, mon legislation. it is much to be feared, that unprincipled wretches Sir, when I submitted the amendment now will be found kidnapping those who are already under consideration, accompanied with these free, and transporting and selling the hapless vic- explanations, and with these avowals of my in. tims into hopeless bondage. Sir, I really hope tentions and of my motives—I did expect that that Congress will not contribute to discounte- gentlemen who might differ from me in opinion nance and render abortive the generous and phi- would appreciate the liberality of my views, and lanthropic views of this most worthy and laudable would meet me with moderation, as upon a fair society. Rather let us hope, that the time is not subject for general legislation. I did expect, at very remote, when the shores of Africa, which least, that the frank declaration of my views have so long been a scene of barbarous rapacity would protect me from harsh expressions, and and savage cruelty, shall exhibit a race of free from the unfriendly imputations which have been and enlightened people--the offspring, indeed, of cast out on this occasion. But, sir, such has cannibals or of slaves; but displaying the virtues been the character and the violence of this do. of civilization and the energies of Independent bate, and expressions of so much intemperance, freemen. America may then hope to see the de- and of an aspect so threatening have been used, velopement of a germ, now scarcely visible, cher- that continued silence on my part would ill beished and matured under the genial warmth of come me, who had submitted to this house the our country's protection, till the fruit shall appear original proposition. While this subject was in the regeneration and happiness of a boundless under debate before the Committee of the whole, continent.
I did not take the floor, and I avail myself of One argument still remains to be noticed. It is this occasion to acknowledge my obligations to