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agriculture, manufactures and trade, which were innocent office had been filled by slaveholders thirty-two out of and beneficent, I shall never be a denizen of a State forty years. where men and women are reared as cattle, and bought In 1836, Martin Van Buren—the first non-slaveholding and sold as merchandise. When that evil day shall come, citizen of a Free State to whose election the Democratic and all further effort at resistance shall be impossible, I party ever consented-signalized his inauguration into the then, if there shall
be no better hope for redemption than Presidency, by a gratuitous announcement, that under no I can now foresee, I shall say with Franklin, while looking circumstances would he ever approve a bill for the aboli. abroad over the whole earth for a new and more congenial tion of Slavery in the District of Columbia. From 1838 to home, “Where liberty dwells, there is my country. 1844, the subject of abolishing Slavery in the District of
You will tell me that these fears are extravagant and Columbia and in the national dock-yards and arsenals, chimerical I answer, they are so; but they are so only was brought before Congress by repeated popular appeals. because the designs of the slaveholder must and can be The Democratic party thereupon promptly denied the right defeated. But it is only the possibility of defeat that ren- of petition, and effectually suppressed the freedom of ders them so, They cannot be defeated by inactivity. speech in Congress, so far as the institution of Slavery was There is no escape from them, compatible with non-resist-concerned. ance. How, then, and in what way, shall the necessary From 1840 to 1843, good and wise men counselled that resistance be made? There is only one way. The Demo- Texas should remain outside of the Union until she cratic party must be permanently dislodged from the Gov. should consent to relinquish her self-instituted slavery; ernment. The reason is, that the Democratic party is in- but the Democratic party precipitated her admission into extricably committed to the designs of the slaveholders, the Union, not only without that condition, but even which I have described. Let me be well understood. I do with a covenant that the State might be divided and not charge that the Democratic candidates for public office reorganized so as to constitute four slave States instead now before the people are pledged to, much less that the of one. Democratic masses who support them really adopt, those In 1846, when the United States became involved in a atrocious and dangerous designs. Candidates may, and war with Mexico, and it was apparent that the struggle generally do, mean to act justly, wisely, and patriotically, would end in the dismemberment of that republic, which when they shall be elected; but they become the ministers was a non-slaveholding power, the Democratic party and servants, not the dictators, of the power which elects rejected a declaration that Slavery should not be estabthem. The policy which a party shall pursue at a future lished within the territory to be acquired. When, in period is only gradually developed, depending on the oc- 1850, governments were to be instituted in the Territocurrence of events never fully foreknown. The motives ries of California and New-Mexico the fruits of that war, of men, whether acting as electors, or in any other capa- the Democratic party refused admit New Mexico as a city, are generally pure. Nevertheless, it is not more true Free State, and only consented to admit California as a that “ Hell is paved with good intentions," than it is that Free tate on the condition, as it has since explained the earth is covered with wrecks resulting from innocent and transaction, of leaving all of New-Mexico and Utah open amiable motives.
to Slavery, to which was also added the concession of The very constitution of the Democratic party commits perpetual Slavery in the District of Columbia, and the it to execute all the designs of the slaveholders, whatever passage of an unconstitutional, cruel, and humiliating they may be. It is not a party of the whole Union, of all law, for the recapture of fugitive slaves, with a further the Free States and of all the Slave States ; nor yet is it a stipulation that the subject of Slavery should never again party of the Free States in the North and in the Northwest; be agitated in either chamber of Congress. When, in but it is a sectional and local party, having practically its 1854, the slaveholders were contentedly reposing on these seat within the Slave States, and counting its constituency great advantages, then so recently won, the Democratic chiefly and almost exclusively there. Of all its represen- party, unnecessarily, officiously, and with superserviceatatives in Congress and in the Electoral College, two-thirds ble liberality, awakened them from their slumber, to offer uniformly come from these States. Its great element of (and force on their acceptance the abrogation of the law strength lies in the vote of the slaveholders, augmented by which declared that neither Slavery nor involuntary serthe representation of three-fifths of the slaves. Deprive vitude should ever exist within that part of the ancient the Democratic party of this strength, and it would be a territory of Louisiana which lay outside of the State of .helpless and hopeless minority, incapable of continued or- Missouri, and north of the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min. of ganization. The Democratic party, being thus local and north latitude-a law which, with the exception of one sectional, acquires new strength from the admission of other, was the only statute of Freedom then remaining in every new Slave State, and loses relatively by the admis- the Federal code. sion of every new Free State into the Union.
In 1856, when the people of Kansas had organized a A party is, in one sense, a joint-stock association, in new State within the region thus abandoned to Slavery, which those who contribute most direct the action and and applied to be admitted as a Free State into the Union, management of the concern. The slaveholders contribut- the Democratic party contemptuously rejected their peing in an overwhelmning proportion to the capital strength tition and drove them, with menaces and intimidations, of the Democratic party, they necessarily dictate and pre- from the halls of Congress, and armed the President with .scribe its policy. The inevitable caucus system enables them military power to enforce their submission to a slave to do so with a show of fairness and justice. If it were pos- code, established over them by fraud and usurpation. sible to conceive for a moment that the Democratic party At every subsequent stage of the long contest which has should disobey the behests of the slaveholders, we should since raged in Kansas, the Democratic party has lent its then see a withdrawal of the slaveholders, which would sympathies, its aid, and all the powers of the Government leave the party to perish The portion of the party which which it controlled, to enforce slavery upon that unwilis found in the Free States is a mere appendage, conve- ling and injured people. And now, even at this day, nient to modify its sectional character, without impairing while it mocks us with the assurance that Kansas is free, its sectional constitution, and is less effective in regulating the Deinocratic Party keeps the State excluded from her its movement than the nebulous tail of the comet is in de just and proper place in the Union, under the hope that termining the appointed though apparently eccentric she may be dragooned into the acceptance of siavery. course of the fiery sphere from which it emanates.
The Democratic party, finally, has procured f om a To expect the Democratic party to resist Slavery and Supreme Judiciary, fixed in its interest, a dec:ee that favor Freedom, is as unreasonable as to look for Protestant Slavery exists by force of the Constitution in eve: y Terrimissionaries to the Catholic Propaganda of Rome. The tory of the United States, paramount to all legislative history of the Democratic party commits it to the policy authority either within the Territory, or residing in Conof Slavery. It has been the Democratic party, and no gress. other agency, which has carried that policy up to its pre- Such is the Democratic party. It has no policy, State sent alarming culmination. Without stopping to ascertain, or Federal, for tidance or trade, or manu ture, or come critically, the origin of the present Democratic party, we merce, or education, or internal improvements, or for the may concede its claim to date from the era of good feeling protection or even the security of civil or religious libwhich pccurred under the Administration of President erty. It is positive and uncompromising in the interest Monroe. At that time, in this state, and about that time of Slavery-negative, compromising and vacillating, in in many others of the Free States, the Democratic party regard to everything else. It boasts its love of equality deliberately disfranchised the free colored, or African citi- and wastes its strength, and even its life, in fortifying the sen, and it has pertinaciously continued this disfranchise-only aristocracy known in the land. It professes fraterment ever since. This was an effective aid to Slavery ; nity, and, so often as Slavery requires, allies itself with for while the slaveholder votes for his slaves against Free- proscription. It magnifies itself for conquests in foreign dom, the freed slave in the Free States is prohibited from lands, but it sends the national eagle forth always with voting against Slavery.
chains, and not the olive branch, in his fangs. In 1824, the Democracy resisted the election of John This dark record shows you, fellow citizens, what I Quincy Adams-himself before that time an acceptable was unwilling to announce at an earlier stage of this Democrat - and in 1828, it expelled him from the Presi- argument, that of the whole nefarious schedule of slavedency, and put a slaveholder in his place, although the holding designs which I have submitted to you, the Demo cratic party has left only one yet to be consummated- too conservative for others. As if any party ever foresaw the abrogation of the law which forbids the African slave so clearly the course of future events as to plan a univertrade.
sal scheme for future action, adapted to all possible Now, I know very well that the Democratic party has, i emergencies. Who would ever have joined even the Whig at every stage of these proceedings, disavowed the motive party of the Revolution, if it had been obliged to answer, and the policy of fortifying and extending Slavery, and in 1775, whether it would declare for Independence in has excused them on entirely different and more plausi- 1776, and for this noble Federal Constitution of ours in ble grounds. But the inconsistency and frivolity of 1787, and not a year earlier or later? these pleas prove still more conclusively the guilt I The people of the United States will be as wise next charge upon that party. It must, indeed, try to excuse year, and the year afterward, and even ten years hence, such guilt before mankind, and eve to the consciences as we are now. They will oblige the Republican party of its own adherents. There is an instinctive abhorrence to act as the public welfare and the interests of justice of Slavery, and au inborn and inhering love of Freedom and humanity shall require, through all the stages of its in the human heart, which renders palliation of such career, whether of trial or triumph. gross misconduct indispensable. It disfranchised the free
Others will not venture an effort, because they fear African on the ground of a fear that, if left to enjoy the that the Union would not endure the change. Will right of suffrage, he night seduce the free white citi. such objectors tell me how long a Constitution can bear zen into amalgamation with his wronged and despised a strain directly along the fibres of which it is comrace.
The Democratic party condemned and deposed posed? This is a Constitution of Freedom. It is being John Quincy Adams, because he expended $12,000,000 a converted into a Constitution of Slavery. It is a repubyear, while it justifies his favored successor in spending lican Constitution. It is being made an aristocratic one. $70,000,000, $80,000,000, and even $10,000,000, a year. Others wish to wait until some collateral questions conIt denies einancipation in the District of Columbia, even cerning temperance, or the exercise of the elective franwith compensation to masters and the consent of the chise are properly settled. Let me ask all such persons, people, on the ground of an implied constitutional inhi- whether time enough has not been wasted on these bition, although the Constitution expressly confers upon points already, without gaining any other than this Congress sovereign legislative power in that District, and single advantage, namely, the discovery that only one although the Democratic party is tenacious of the prin- thing can be effectually done at one time, and that the cpie of strict coustruction, li violated the express pro- one thing which must and will be done at any one time visions of the Constitution in suppressing petition and is just that thing which is most urgent, and will no debate on the subject of Slavery, through fear of dis. longer admit of postponement or delay. Finally, we turbance of the public harmony, although it claims that are told by faint-hearted men that they despond; the the electors have a right to instruct their representatives, Democratic party, they say, is unconquerable, and the and even demand their resignation in cases of contu. dominion of Slavery is consequently inevitable. I macy. It extended Slavery over Texas, and connived at reply to them, that the complete and universal dominion the attempt to spread it across the Mexican territories, of slavery would be intolerable enough when it should even to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, under a plea of have come after the last possible effort to escape should enlarging the area of Freedom. It abrogated the Mexi- have been made. There would, in that case, be left to can slave law and the Missouri Compromise prohibition us the consoling reflection of fidelity to duty. of Slavery in Kansas, not to open the new Territoriss to But I reply, further, that I know-few, I think, know Slavery, but to try therein the new and fascinating better than I--the resources and energies of the Demotheories of Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty; cratic party, which is identical with the Slave Power. I and, finally, it overi hrew bow these new and elegant do ample prestige to its traditional popularity. I know systems by the English Lecompton bill and the Dred further-few, I think, know better than I-the diffiScost decision, on the ground that the Free States ought culties and disadvantages of organizing a new political not to enter the Union without a population equal to the force like the Republican party, and the obstacles it representative basis of one member of Congress, although must encounter in laboring without prestige and without Slave States miglit come in without iuspection as to their patronage. But, notwithstanding all this, I know that numbers.
the Democratic party must go down, and that the ReWill any member of the Democratic party now here publican party must rise into its place. The Democlaim that the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the catic party derived its strength, originally, from its party transcended their partisan platforms, and so misre adoption of the principles of equal and exact justice to presented the party in the various transactions I have all men. So long as it practiced this principle faithrecited ? Then I ask him to name one Democratic fully, it was in vulnerable. It became vulnerable when statesman or legislator, from Van Buren to Walker, it renounced the principle, and since that time it has who either timidly or cautiously like them, or boldly or maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength, or defiantly like Douglas, ever refused to execute a even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet behest of the slaveholders, and was not therefor, and had appeared in the political field no other party that for no other cause, immediately denounced, and de- had the conscience and the courage to take up, and posed from his trust, and repudiated by the Democratic avow, and practice the life-inspiring principles which party for that contumacy.
the Democratic party had surrendered. At last, the I think, fellow-citizens, that I have shown you that it Republican party has appeared. It avows now, as the is high time for the friends of Freedom to rush to the Republican party of 1800 did, in one word, its faith and rescue of the Constitution, and that their very first duty its works, " Equal and exact justice to all men.”. Even is to dismiss the Democratic party from the adininisti ao when it first entered the field, only half organized, it tion of the Government.
struck a blow which only just failed to secure complete Why shall it not be done? All agree that it ought to and triumphant victory. In this, its second campaign, be done. What, then, shall prevent its being done! it has already won advantages which render that tri. Nothing but timidity or division of the opponents of the umph now both easy and certain. Democratic party.
The secret of its assured success lies in that very char. Some of these opponents start one objection, and some acteristic which, in the mouth of scoffers, constitutes its another. Let us notice these objections briefly. One great and lasting imbecility and reproach.
It lies in class say that they cannot trust the Republican party; the fact that it is a party of one idea ; but that idea is a that it has not avowed its hostility to Slavery boldly noble onean idea that fills and expands all generous enough, or its affection for Freedom earnestly enough. souls; the idea of equality-the equality of all men be
I ask in reply, is there any other party which can be more fore human tribunals and human laws, as they all are safely trusted ? Every one knows that it is the Republican equal before the Divine tribunal and Divine laws. party or none, that shall displace the Democratic party. I know, and you know, that a revolution has begun. But I answer further, that the character and fidelity I know, and all the world knows, that revolutions never of any party are determined, necessarily, not by its go backward. Twenty Senators and a hundred Reprepledges, programmes, and platforms, but by the public sentatives proclaim böldly in Congress to-day sentiments exigencies, and the temper of the people when they call and opinions and principles of Freedom which hardly so it into activity. Subserviency to slavery is a law writ- many men, even in this free State, dared to utter in their ten not only on the forehead of the Democratic party, own homes twenty years ago.
While the Government but also in its very soul-so resistance to Slavery, and of the United States, under the conduct of the Demodevotion to Freedom, the popular elements now ac- cratic party, has been all that time surrendering one tively working for the Republican party among the peo- plain and castle after another to Slavery, the people of ple, must and will be the resources for its ever-renewing the United States have been no less steadily and persestrength and constant invigoration.
veringly gathering together the forces with which to reOthers cannot support the Republican party, because it cover back again all the fields and all the castles which it has not sufficiently exposed its platform, and deter- have been lost, and to confound and overthrow, by one mined what it will do, and what it will not do, when decisive blow, the betrayers of the Constitution and triumphant. It may prove too progressive for some, and 'Freedom forever.
“NEGRO SLAVERY NOT UNJUST."
A SPEECH BY CHARLES O'CONOR,
At the Union Meeting at the Academy of Music, New York City, Dec. 19, 1859.
MR. MAYOR AND GENTLEMEN : I cannot express to you, told in the legislative assemblies of our Northern States, the delight which I experience in beholding in this great not merely by speakers, but by distinct resolutions of the city so vast an assembly of my fellow citizens, convened whole body-we are told by gentlemen occupying seats in for the purpose stated in your resolutions. I am delight, the Congress of the Union through the votes of Northern ed beyond measure to behold at this time so vast an people--that the Constitution seeks to enshrine, to protect, assembly responding to the call of a body so respectable to defend a monstrous crime against justice and humanity, as the twenty thousand New Yorkers who have convened and that it is our duty to defeat its provisions, to outwit this meeting. If anything can give assurance to those who them, if we cannot otherwise get rid of their effect, and to doubt, and confidence to those who may have had mis- trample upon the rights which it has declared shall be progivings as to the permanency of our institutions, and the tected and insured to our brethren of the South. (Apsolidity of the support which the people of the North are plause.) That is now the doctrine advocated. And I ask prepared to give them, it is that in the queen city of the whether that doctrine, necessarily involving the destrucNew World, in the capital of North America, there is tion of our Union, shall be permitted to prevail as it has assembled a meeting so large, so respectable, and so hitherto prevailed? Gentlemen, I trust you will excuse me unanimous as this meeting has shown itself to be in re- , for deliberately coming up to and meeting this questionceiving sentiments which, if obser ved, must protect our not seeking to captivate your fancies by a trick of words Voion from destruction, and even from danger. (Ap- --not seeking to exalt your imaginations by declamation plause.) Gentlemen, is it not a subject of astonishment or by any effort at eloquence—but meeting this question that the idea of danger, and the still more dreadful idea gravely, sedately, and soberly, and asking you what is to of dissolution, should be heard from the lips of an Ameri- be our course in relation to it? Gentlemen, the Constitucan citizen, at this day, in reference to, or in connection tion guarantees to the people of the Southern States the with, 'the sacred name of this most sacred Union ? protection of their slave property. In that respect it is a (Applause.) Why gentlemen, what is our Union ? What solemn compact between the North and the South. are its antecedents ? What is its present condition ? If solemn compact are we at liberty to violate it? (Cries of we ward off the evils which threaten it, what its future “No, no !") Are we at liberty to seek or take any mean, hope for us and for the great family of mankind ? Why petty advantage of it? (Cries of “No, no!") Are we at gentlemen, it may well be said of this Union as a goveru- liberty to con over its particular words, and to restrict and ment, that as it is the last offspring, so is it Time's most to limit its operation, so as to acquire, under such narrow glorious and beneficent production. Gentlemen, we are construction, a pretence of right by hostile and adverse created by an Omniscient Being. We are created by a legislation?' ("No, no !")—to interfere with the interests, Being not only All-Seeing, but All-Powerful and All-Wise. I wound the feelings, and trample on the political rights of And in the benignity and the farseeing wisdom of His our Southern fellow-citizens? ("No, no, no !") No, gentlepower, He permitted the great family of inankind to live men. If it be a compact,and has anything sacred in it,we are on, to advance, to improve, step by step, and yet permit. bound to observe it in good faith, honestly and honorably, ted five thousand years and upward to elapse ere He laid not merely to the letter, but fully to the spirit, and not in the foundation of a truly free, a truly happy, and a truly any mincing, half-way, unfair, or illiberal construction, independent empire. It was not, gentlemen, until that seeking to satisfy the letter, to give as little as we can, and great length of time had elapsed, that the earth was thereby to defeat the spirit. (Applause.) That may be the deemed mature for laying the foundations of this mighty way that some men keep a contract about the sale of a house and prosperous State. It was then that He inspired the or of a chattel, but it is not the way honest men observe con. noble-minded and chivalrous Genoese to set forth upon tracts, even in relation to the most trivial things. (" True,' the trackless ocean and discover the empire that we now and applause.) What has been done, having a tendency enjoy, But a few years, comparatively, had elapsed to disturb harmony under this Constitution, and to break whien there was raised up in this blessed land a set of men down and destroy the union now existing between these whose like had never before existed upon the face of this states? Why, gentlemen, at an early period the subject earth. Men unequalled in their perceptions of the true of Slavery, as a mere philosophical question, was discussed principles of justice, in their comprehensive benevolence, by many, and its justice or injustice made the subject of in their capacity to lay safely, justly, soundly, and with argument leading to various opinions. It mattered little all the qualities which should insure permanency, the how long this discussion should last, while it was confined foundations of an empire. It was in 1776, and in this within such limits. If it had only led to the formation of country, that there assembled the first, the very first, societies like the Shakers, who do not believe in matriassembly of rational men who ever proclaimed, in clear mony; societies like the people of Utah, destined to a and undeniable form, the immutable principles of liberty, short career, who believe in too much of it (laughter); or and consecrated, to all time I trust, in the face of tyrants, societies of people like the strong-minded women of our and in opposition to their power, the rights of nations and country, who believe that women are much better qualithe rights of men. (Applause.) These patriots, as soon fied than men to perform the functions and offices usually as the storm of war had passed away, sat down and performed by men (laughter)-and who probably would, framed that instrument upon which our Union rests, the if they had their way, simply change the order of proceedConstitution of the United States of merica. (Applause.) ings, and transfer the husband to the kitchen, and themAnd the question now before us is neither more nor less selves to the field or the cabinet. (Laughter and apthan this: whether that Constitution, consecrated by the plause.) So long, I say, as this sentimentality touching blood shed in that glorious Revolution, consecrated by Slavery confined itself to the formation of parties and sothe signature of the most illustrious man who ever lived, cieties of this description, it certainly could do no great George Washington (applause) --whether that instrument, harm, and we might satisfy ourselves with the maxim that accepted by the wisest and by the best of that day, and “Error can do little harm as long as truth is left free to comaccepted in convention, one by one, in each and every bat it.” But unfortunately gentlemen, this sentimentality State of this Union-that instrument from which so many has found its way out of the meeting-houses-from among blessings have flown—whether that instrument was con- pious people, assemblies of speculative philosophers, and ceived in crime, is a chapter of abominations (cries of societies formed to benefit the inhabitants of Barioboola. “No, no,"') is a violation of justice, is a league between gha-it has found its way into the heart of the selfish polistrong-handed but wicked-hearted white men to oppress, tician; it has been made the war-cry of party; it has been and impoverish, and plunder their fellow-creatures, con- made the instrument whereby to elevate not merely to trary to rectitude, honor and justice. (Applause.) This personal distinction and social rank, but to political power is the question, neither more nor less. We are toll from Throughout the non-slaveholding States of this Union, men pulpits, we are told from the political rostrum, ye are have been thus elevated who advocate a course of con.
duct necessarily exasperating the South, and the natural compact, to separate from us and to dissolve it? Why effect of whose teachings renders the Southern people inse- gentlemen, the greatness and glory of the American name cure in their property and their lives, making it a matter will then be a thing of yesterday. The glorious Revoof doubt each night whether they can safely retire to their lution of the thirteen States will be a Revolution not slumbers without sentries and guards to protect them , achieved by us, but by a nation that has ceased to exist. against incursions from the North. I say the effect has | The name of Washington will be, to us at least at the been to elevate, on the strength of this sentiment, such | North (cheers), but as the name of Julius Cæsar, or of men to power, And what is the result-the candition of some other great hero who has lived in times gone by, things at this day? Why, gentlemen, the occasion that whose nation has perished and exists no more.
Tne calls us together is the occurrence of a raid upon the Declaration of Independence, what will that be? Why, State of Virginia by a few misguided fanatics—followers of the declaration of State that no longer has place these doctrines, with arms in their hands, and bent upon among the nations. All these bright and glorious recul rapine and murder. I called them followers, but they lections of the past must cease to be our property, and should be deemed leaders. They were the best, the bravest, become mere memorials of a by-gone race and people. and the most virtuous of all the abolition party. (Ap- A line must divide the North from the South. What will plause.) On the Lord's day, at the hour of still repose, be the consequences ?. Will this mighty city-growing they armed the bondman with pikes brought from the as it now is, with wealth pouring into it from every porNorth, that he might slay his master, his master's wife, and tion of this mighty empire-will it continue to flourish as his master's little children. And immediately succeeding to it has done ? (Cries of “ No, no!") . Will your marvle it-at this very instant-what is the political question pend- palaces that line Broadway, and raise their proud tops ing before Congress ?
toward the sky, continue to increase, until, as is now A book substantially encouraging the same course of promised under the Union, it shall present the most provocation toward the South which has been long pur- glorious picture of wealth, prosperity, and happiness, sued, is openly recommended to circulation by sixty-eight ! that the world has ever seen? (Applause.)
No ! genmembers of your Congress. (Cries of “ Shame, on them," tlemen, no! such things cannot be. I do not say that applause, and hisses.)-Recommended to circulation by we will starve, that we will perish, as a people, if we sixty-eight members of your Congress, all elected in North- separate from the South. I admit, that if the line be ern States (hisses and applause)-every one, I say, elected drawn between us, they will have their measure of prosfrom non-slaveholding States. And with the assistance of perity, and we will have ours; but meagre, small in the their associates, some of whom hold their offices by your extreme, compared with what is existing and promised votes, there is great danger that they will elect to the under our Union, will be the prosperity of each. highest office in that body, where he will sit as a repre- Truly has it been said here to-night, that we were sentative of the whole North, a man who united in causing made for each other; separate us, and although you that book to be distributed through the South, carrying may not destroy us, you reduce each to so low a scale poison and death in its polluted leaves. (“Hang him !" that well might humanity deplore the evil courses that and applause.). Is it not fair to say that this great and brought about the result. True, gentlemen, we would glorious Union is menaced when such a state of things is have left, to boast of, our share of the glories of the Revofound to exist? when such an act is attempted ? Is it lution. The Northern States sent forth to the conflict reasonable to expect that our brethren of the South will their bands of heroes, and shed their blood as freely as calmly sit down (“No') and submit quietly to such an those of the South. But the dividing line would take outrage ? (Cries of “ No, no.") Why, gentlemen, we away from us the grave of Washington. It is in his own greatly exceed them in numbers. The non-slaveholding | beloved Virginia. (Applause and cheers.) It is in the States are by far the more populous; they are increasing State and near the spot where this treason that has been daily in numbers and in population, and we may soon growing up in the North, so lately culminated in violence overwhelm the Southern vote. If we continue to fill the and bloodshed. We would lose the grave-we would halls of legislation with abolitionists, and permit to occupy lose all connection with the name of Washington. But the executive chair men who declare themselves to be en- our philanthropic and pious friends who fain would listed in a crusade against Slavery, and against the pro- lead us to this result, would, of course, comfort us with visions of the Constitution which secure that species of the consoling reflection that we had the glorious memory property, what can we reasonably expect from the people of John Brown in its place. (Great laughter and cheers.) of the South but that they will pronounce the Constitution, Are you, gentlemen, prepared to make the exchange ? with all its glorious associations, with all its sacred memo (Cries of "No, no.") Shall the tomb of Washington, ries—this Vuion, with its manifold present and promised that rises upon the bank of the Potomac, receiving its blessings—an unendurable evil, threatening to crush and tribute from every nation of the earth-shall that become to destroy their most vital interests—to make their coun- the property of a foreign State-a State hostile to us in try a wilderness. Why should we expect them to submit its feelings, and we to it in ours? Shall we erect a monuto such a line of conduct on our part, and recognize us as ment among the arid hills at North Elba, and deem the brethren, or unite with us in perpetuating the Union ? privilege of making pilgrimages thither a recompense
For my part I do not see anything unjust or unreason- for the loss of every glorious recollection of the past, able in the declaration often made by Southern members and for our severance from the name of Washington ? on this subject. They tell us: “If you will thus assail He who is recoguized as the Father of his Country ? us with incendiary pamphlets, if you will thus create a (Cries of “No, no," and cheers.) No, gentlemen, we spirit in your country which leads to violence and blood- are not prepared, I trust, for this sad exchange, this shed among us, if you will assail the institution upon fatal severance. We are not prepared, I trust, either to which the prosperity of our country depends, and will ele- part with our glorious past or to give up the advantages vate to office over us men who are pledged to aid in such of our present happy condition. We are not prepared transactions, and to oppress us by hostile legislation, we to relinquish our affection for the South, nor to involve cannot-much as we revere the Constitution, greatly as our section in the losses, the deprivation of blessings we estimate the blessings which would flow from its and advantages necessarily resulting to each from dis faithful enforcement-we cannot longer depend on your union. Gentlemen, we never would have attained the compliance with its injunctions, or adhere to the Union." wealth and prosperity as a nation which is now ours, For my part, gentlemen, if the North continues to con- but for our connection with these very much reviled and duct itself in the selection of representatives to the injured slaveholders of the Southern States. And, gen. Congress of the United States as, from, perhaps a certain tlemen, if dissolution is to take place, we must part with degree of negligence and inattention, it has heretofore the trade of the South, and thereby surrender our particonducted itself, the South is not to be censured if it cipation in the wealth of the South. Nay, more-we are withdraws from the Union. (Hisses and applause. A toid from good authority that we must not only part voice-"that's so." Three cheers for the Fugitive Slave with the slaveholding States, but that our younger sister Law.) We are not, gentlemen, to hold a meeting to say with the golden crown-rich, teeming California, she that “ We love this Union; we delight in it; we are who added the final requisite to our greatness as a proud of it; it blesses us, and we enjoy it; but we shall nation- will not come with us. She will remain with fill all its offices with men of our own choosing, and, our | the South. brethren of the South, you shall enjoy its glorious past; Gentlemen, if we allow this course of injustice toward you shall enjoy its mighty recollections, but it shali the South to coutinue, these are to be the consequences trample your institutions in the dust." 'We have no evil to us, evil also to them. Much of all that we are right to say it. We have no right to exact so much ; most proud of; much of all that coutributes to our prose and an opposite and entirely different course, fellow- perity and greatness as a nation, must pass away from citizens, must be ours-must be the course of the great us. North, if we would preserve this Union. (Applause, The question is should we permit it to be continued, and cries of “Good.")
and subinit to all these evils? Is there any reasou to And, gentlemen, what is this glorious Union? What justify such a course? There is a reason preached to us must we sacrifice if we exasperate our brethren of the ior permitting it. We are told that Slavery is unjust; we South, and compel them, by injustice and breac, fare told that it is a inatter of conscience to put it down;
and that whatever treaties or compacts, or laws, or con- trine. There are some principles well known, well understitutions, have been made to sanction and uphold it, it stood, universally recognized and universally acknowis still unholy, and that we are bound to trample upon ledged among men, that are not to be found written in contreaties, compacts, laws, and constitutions, and to stand stitutions or in laws. The people of the United States, at oy what these men arrogantly tell us is the law of God the formation of our Government, were, as they still are, in and a fundamental principle of natural justice. Indeed, some sense, peculiarly and radically distinguishable from gentlemen, these two things are not distinguishable. The other nations. We were white men, of—what is commonly law of God and natural justice, as between man and man, called, by way of distinction-the Caucasian race. We are one and the same. The wisest philosopher of ancient were a monogamous people; that to say, we were not times-heathen philosophers--said, The rule of conduct Mohammedans, or followers of Joe Smith-with half a dobetween man and man is, to live honestly, to injure no zen wives apiece. (Laughter.) It was a fundamental man, and to render to every man his due. In words far i principle of our civilization that no State could exist or be more direct and emphatic, in words of the most perfect tolerated in this Union, which should not, in that respect, comprehensiveness, the Saviour of the world gave us the resemble all the other States of the Union. Some other same rule in one short sentence" Love thy neighbor as distinctive features might be stated which serve to mark thyself.” (Applause.) Now, speaking between us, people us as a people distinct from others, and incapable of assoof the North and our brethren of the South, I ask you to ciating on terms of perfect political equality, or social act upon this maxim-the maxim of the heathen-the equality, as friends and fellow-citizens, with some kinds of command of the living God: “ Render to every man his people that are to be found upon the face of the earth. due,” “Love thy neighbor as thyself.” (Applause.) Thus As a white nation, we made our Constitution and our laws, we should act and feel toward the South. Upon that vesting all political rights in that race. They, and they maxim which came from Him of Nazareth we should act alone, constituted, in every political sense, the American towarď the South, but without putting upon it any new people.. (Applause.) As to the negro, why, we allowed faugled, modern interpretation. We should neither say him to live under the shadow and protection of our laws. nor think that any Gospel minister of this day is wiser than We gave him, as we were bound to give him, protection God himself-than He who gave us the Gospel. These against wrong and outrage; but we denied to him political maxims should govern between us and our brethren of the rights, or the power to govern, We left him, for so long a South. But, gentlemen, the question is this: Do these period as the community in which he dwelt should so order, maxims justify the assertion of those who seek to invade in the condition of a bondsman. (Applause.) Now, genthe rights of the South, by proclaiming negro Slavery tlemen, to that condition the negro is assigned by nature. unjust? That is the point to which this great argument, (Cries of “Bravo,” and “That's so," and applause.) Exinvolving the fate of our Union, must now come. Is perience shows that this race cannot prosper—that they negro Slavery unjust? If it be unjust, it violates the become extinct in any cold, or in any very temperate clime; first rule of human conduct, “ Render to every man his but in the warm, the extremely warm regions, his race can due.
.” If it be unjust, it violates the law of God, which be perpetuated, and with proper guardianship, may prossays, "Love thy neighbor as thyself,” for that law requires per. He has ample strength, and is competent to labor, that we should perpetrate no injustice. Gentlemen, if it but nature denies to him either the intellect to govern or could be maintained that negro Slavery is unjust, is thus the willingness to work. (Applause.) Both were denied in conflict with the law of nature and the law of God, him. That same power which deprived him of the will to perhaps I might be prepared-perhaps we all ought to be labor, gave him, in our country, as a recompense, a master prepared to go with that distinguished man to whom to coerce that duty, and convert him into a useful and valallusion is frequently made, and say, there is a “higher uable servant. (Applause.) I maintain that it is not inlaw” which coinpels us to trample beneath our feet, as a justice to leave the negro in the condition in which nature wicked and unholy compact, the Constitution established placed him, and for which alone he is adapted. Fitted by our fathers, with all the blessings it secures to their only for a state of pupilage, our slave system gives him a children. But I insist—and that is ine argument which we master to govern him and to supply his deficiencies : in must meet, and on which we must come to a conclusion this there is no injustice. Neither is it unjust in the master that shall govern our action in the future selection of re- to compel him to labor, and thereby afford to that master presentatives in the Congress of the United States-1 a just compensation in return for the care and talent em. insist that negro Slavery is not unjust. (Long con- ployed in governing him. In this way alone is the negro tinued applause.) It is not unjust; it is just, wise, and enabled to render himself useful to himself and to the so beneficent. (Hisses, followed by applause, and cries of ciety in which he is placed. " Put him out.") Let him stay, gentlemen.
These are the principles, gentlemen, which the extreme PRESIDENT.-Let him stay there. Order.
measures of abolitionism compel us to enforce. This is MR. O'CONOR.-Serpents may hiss, but good men will the ground that we must take, or abandon our cherished hear. (Cries again of “ Put him out;" calls to order; Union. We must no longer favor political leaders who talk confusion for a time.)
about negro Slavery being an evil; nor must we advance THE PRESIDENT.-If anybody hisses here, remember that the indefensible doctrine that negro Slavery is a thing every one has his own peculiar way of expressing him- which, although pernicious, is to be tolerated merely bleself, and as some birds only understand hissing, they cause we have made a bargain to tolerate it. We must must hiss. (Applause.)
turn away from the teachings of fanaticism. We must MR. O'CONOR.-Gentlemen, there is an animal upon look at negro slavery as it is, remembering that the voice this earth that has no faculty of making its sentiments of inspiration, as found in the sacred volume, nowi&ere known in any other way than by a hiss. I am for equal condemns the bondage of those who are fit only for bondrights. (Three cheers were here given for Mr. O'Conor, age. Yielding to the clear decree of nature, and the dict three for Gov. Wise, and three groans for John Brown.) tates of sound philosophy, we must pronounce that instiI beg of you, gentlemen, all of you who are of my mind at tution just, benign, lawful and proper. The Constitution least, to preserve silence, and leave the hissing animal in established by the fathers of our Republic, which recog. the full enjoyment of his natural privileges. (Cries of nized it, must be maintained. And that both may stand “Good, good," laughter and applause.) The first of our together, we must maintain that neither the institution race that offended was taught to do so by that hissing itself, nor the Constitution which upholds it, is wicked or animal. (Laughter and applause.) The first human unjust; but that each is sound and wise, and entitled to society that was ever broken up through sin and discord, our fullest support. had its happy union dissolved by the entrance of that We must visit with our execration any man claiming our animal. (Applause.) Therefore I say it is his privilege to suffrages, who objects to enforcing, with entire good faith, hiss. Let him hiss on. (Cries of “Good, good," laughter the provisions of the Constitution in favor of negro Slavery, and applause.) Gentlemen, I will not detain you much or who seeks, by any indirection, to withhold its protection longer. (Cries of “Go on, go on.”) I maintain that from the South, or to get away from its obligations upon negro Slavery is not unjust-(a voice—"No, sir," ap- the North. Let us henceforth support no man for public plause,) that it is benign in its influence upon the white office whose speech or action tends to induce assaults upon man and upon the black. (Voices —" That's so, that's the territory of our Southern neighbors, or to generate in. 80,” applause.) I maintain that it is ordained by na surrection within their borders. (Loud applause.). These ture; that it is a necessity of both races; that, in cli- are the principles upon which we must act. This is what mates where the black race can live and prosper, nature we must say to our brethren of the South. If we have sent herself enjoins correlative duties on the black man and men into Congress who are false to these views, and are on the white, which cannot be performed except by the seeking to violate the compact which binds us together, we preservation, and, if the hissing gentleman please, the must ask to be forgiven until we have another chance to man. perpetuation of negro Slavery.
ifest our will at the ballot-boxes. We must tell them that I'am fortified in this opinion by the highest tribunal in these men shall be consigned to privacy (a pplause), and our country, that venerable exponent of our institutions, that true men, men faithful to the Constitution, men and of the principles of justice-the Supreme Court of the loving all portions of the country alike, shall be elected United States. That court has held, on this subject, what in their stead And, gentlemen, we must do more than wise men will ever pronounce to be sound and just doc- I promise this we must perform it. (Loud applause, fula