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lowed by three cheers for Mr. O'Conor, and a tiger.) But States, and the negro beadman in the Southern States. a word more, gentlemen, and I have done. (Cries of" Go The white man is to be emancipated at twenty.one. on."). I have no doubt at all that what I have said to because his God-given intellect entitles him to emancipayou this evening will be greatly misrepresented. It is tion and fits him for the duties to devolve upon him. very certain that I have not had time enough properly to The negro, to be sure, is a bondinan for life. He may be enlarge upon and fully to explain the interesting topics on sold from one master to another, but where is the ill in which I have ventured to express myself thus boldly and that i-one may be as good as another. If there be laws distinctly, taking upon myself the consequences, be they with respect to the mode of sale, which by separating man what they may. (Applause.) But I will say a few words and wife do occasionally lead to that which shocks by way of explanation. I have maintained the justice of humanity, and may be said to violate all propriety and Slavery; I have maintained it, because I hold that the all conscience-if such things are done, let the South negro is decreed by nature to a state of pupilage under the alone and they will correct the evil. Let our brethren of dominion of the wiser white man, in every clime where the South take care of their own domestic institutions God and nature meant the negro should live at all. and they will do it. (Applause.) They will so govern (Applause.) I say a state of pupilage; and, that I may themselves as to suppress acts of this description, if they be rightly understood, I say that it is the duty of the are occasionally committed, as perhaps they are, and we white man to treat him kindly; that is the interest of the must all admit that they are contrary to just conceptions white man to treat him kindly. (Applause.) And further, of right and humanity. I have never yet heard of a it is my belief that if the white man, in the States where nation conquered from evil practices, brought to the Slavery exists, is not interfered with by the fanatics who light of civilization, brought to the light of religion or the are now creating these disturbances, whatever laws, knowledge of the Gospel by the bayonet, by the penal whatever improvements, whatever variations in the con laws, or by external persecutions of any kind. It is not duct of society are necessary for the purpose of enforcing by declamation and outcry against a people from those in every instance the dictates of interest and humanity, abroad and outside of their territory that you can improve as between the white man and the black, will be faith their manners or their morals in any respect. No; if, fully and fairly carried out in the progress of that im standing outside of their territory, you attack the errors provement in all these things in which we are engaged. of a people, you make them cling to their faults. From It is not pretended that the master has a right to slay his a sentiment somewhat excusable-somewhat akin to selfslave; it is not pretended that he has a right to be guilty respect and patriotism--they will resist their nation's of harshness and inhumanity to his slave. The laws of enemy. Let our brethren of the South alone, gentlemen, all the Southern States forbid that; we have not the right and if there be any errors of this kind, they will correct here at the North to be guilty of cruelty toward a horse. them. It is an indictable offence to commit such cruelty. The There is but one way in which you can thus leave them same laws exist in the South, and if there is any failure to the guidance of their own judgment—by which you can in enforcing them to the fullest extent, it is due to this retain them in this Union as our brethren, and perpetuate external force, which is pressing upon the Southern this glorious Union; and that is, by resolving-without States, and compels them to abstain perhaps from many reference to the political party or faction to which any acts beneficent toward the negro which otherwise would one of you may belong, without reference to the name, be performed. (Applause.) In truth, in fact, in deed, political or otherwise, which you may please to bearthe white man in the slaveholding States has no more resolving that the man, be he who he may, who advocates authority by law of the land over his slave than our laws the doctrine that negro Slavery is unjust, and ought to allow to a father over his minor children. He can no be assailed or legislated against, or wlio agitates the submore violate humanity with respect to them, than a father ject of extinguishing negro Slavery in any of its forms as in any of the free States of this Union can exercise acts a political hobby, that that man shall be denied your sufviolative of humanity toward his own son nder the age frages, and not only denied your suffrages, but that you of twenty-one. So far as the law is concerned, you own
will select from the ranks of the opposite party, or your your boys, and have a right to their services until they own, if necessary, the inan you like least, who entertains are twenty-one. You can make them work for you ; you opposite sentiments, but through whose instrumentality have the right to hire out their services and take their you may be enabled to defeat his election, and to secure earnings ; you have the right to chastise them with judg: in the councils of the nation men who are true to the ment and reason if they violate your commands; and Constitution, who are lovers of the Union-inen who canthey are entirely without political rights. Not one of not be induced by cunsiderations of imaginary benevothein at the age of twenty years and eleven months even, lence for a people who really do not desire their aid, to can go to the polls and and give a vote. Therefore, gen. sacrifice or to jeopard in any degree the blessings we tlemen, before the law, there is but one difference between enjoy under this Union. May it be perpetual. the free white man of iwenty years of age in the Northern (Great and continued cheering.)
THE REAL QUESTION STATED. .
LETTER FROM CHARLES O'CONOR TO A COMMITTEE OF MERCHANTS.
NEW YORK, Dec. 20, 1859. drawn to the true issue, and steadily fixed upon it. To CHAS. O'CONOR, Esq. : The undersigned, being desirous of effect this object was the sole aim of my address, circulating as widely as possible, both at the North and at the Though its ministers can never permit the law of the South, the proceedings of the Union Meeting held at the land to be questioned by private judgment, there is, neverAcademy of Music last evening, intend publishing in pamphlet theless, such a thing as natural justice. Natural justice
Will you be so kind as to inform us whether this step meets has the Divine sanction; and it is impossible that any huyour approval; and if so, furnish us with a corrected report man law which conflicts with it should long endure. of your speech delivered by you on that occasion. Yours Where mental enlightenment abounds, where morality respectfully,
is professed by all, where the mind is free, speech is free, LEITCH, BURNET & CO.,
and the press is free, is it possible, in the nature of GEO. W. & JEHIAL READ, BRUFF, BROTHER & SEAVER,
things, that a law which is admitted to conflict with natuC. B. HATCH & Co.,
ral justice, and with God's own mandate, should long enDAVIS, NOBLE & Co.,
dure ? (Formerly FURMAN, DAVIS & Co.,)
You all will admit that, within certain limits, at least, WESSON & COX,
our Constitution does contain positive guaranties for the CRONIN, HURXTHAL & SEARS, preservation of negro Slavery in the old States through all ATWATER, MULFORD CO.
time, unless the local legislatures shall think fit to abolish GENTLEMEN : The measure you propose meets my entire it. And, consequently, if negro Slavery, however huapproval.
manely administered or judiciously regulated, be an instiI have long thought that our disputes concerning negro tution which conflicts with natural justice and with God's Slavery would soon terminate, if the public mind could be I law, surely the most vellement and extreme admirers of John Brown's sentiments are right; and thei: denun- 1 It is in vain to say that this could be endured; it is sim ciations against the Constitution, and against the most ply impossible. hallowed names connected with it, are perfectly justifia- What, then, remains to be discussed ? ble.
The negro race is upon us. With a Constitution which The friends of truth-the patriotic Americans who would held them in bondage, our Federal Union might be presustain their country's honor against foreign rivalry, and served; but if so holding them in bondage be a thing for. defend their country's interests against all assailants, err bidden by God
and Nature, we cannot lawfully so hold greatly when they contend with these men on any point them, and the Union must perish. but one. Their general principles cannot be refuted; This is the inevitable result of that conflict which has their logic is irresistible; the error, if any there be, is in now reached its climax. their premises. They assert that negro Slavery is unjust. Among us at the north, the sole question for reflection, This, and this alone, of all they say, is capable of being study, and friendly interchange of thought should be-Is fairly argued against.
negro Slavery unjust? The rational and dispassionate If this proposition cannot be refuted, our Union cannot inquirer will find no difficulty in arriving at my concluendure, and it ought not to endure.
sion. It is fit and proper; it is, in its own nature, as an Our negro bondmen can neither be exterminated nor institution, beneficial to both races; and the effect of this transported to Africa. They are too numerous for either assertion is not diminished by our admitting that many process, and either, if practicable, would involve a viola- faults are practised under it. Is not such the fact in retion of humanity. If they were emancipated, they would spect to all human laws and institutions ? relapse into barbarism, or a set of negro States would I am, gentlemen, with great respect, yours truly, arise in our midst, possessing political equality, and enti
CHARLES O'CONOR, tled to social equality. The division of parties would soon To Messrs. Leitch, Burnet & Co.; Geo. W. & Jehial Read; Bruť, make the negro members a powerful body in Congress
Brother & Seaver ; C. B. Hatch & Co. ; Davis, Noble & Co. would place some of them in high political stations, and Wesson & Cox; Cronin, Hurxthal & Sears ; Alwaler, Mulford occasionally let one into the executive chair.
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON
ON SL A VERY IN THE TERRITORIES.
On the 7th of July, 1848, while the bill to Hence Congress has, in all cases since the foundation of establish the Territorial Government of Oregon
our government, reserved a veto upon the legislation of
the territorial governments; it is absolutely necessary, was under consideration in the United States in order to restrain them from violations of the ConstituSenate, the Hon. Herschel V. Johnson, then a tion and infringements of the rights of the States, as joint member of the Senate, from Georgia, and now Territorial Government, prohibiting Slavery, should be sent a candidate for Vice-President on the ticket up to Congress for approval, they would be bound to withwith Mr. Douglas, made a lengthy speech from hold it, upon the ground of its being an act which Congress which we extract the following:
themselves could not pass.
But suppose the right of legislation for the Territory be It remains now to consider the question involved in in its inhabitants, can they prohibit Slavery ? Surely not; the amendment proposed by the Senator from Missis- and for reasons similar to those which show that Congress sippi (Mr. Davis). That question is, whether it is the cannot. duty of Congress to guarantee to the slaveholder, who The Territories are not independent of, but subordinate shall remove with his salves into the territory of the to, the United States; and therefore their legislation must United States, the undisputed enjoyment of his property be subordinate. Let us look at some of the limitations in them, so long as it continues to be a Territory. Or, which this condition imposes. Under the Constitution, in other words, whether the inhabitants of a Territory, “No title of nobility shall be granted by the United during their Territorial condition, have the right to pro- States ;' “ Congress shall make no law respecting the eshibit Slavery therein.
tablishment of religion, or pertaining to the free exercise For the purpose of this question, it matters not where thereof; no religious test shall be required as a qualificathe power of legislating for the Territory resides— tion to any office or public trust under the United States," whether exclusively in Congress, or jointly in Congress etc. It is true, these restrictions do not apply in terms and the inhabitants, or exclusively in the inhabitants of to the Territories ; but will it be contended for a moment the Territory; the power is precisely the same-no that they would have the right by legislation to lay these greater in the hands of one than the other. In no event, impositions upon citizens of the States who emigrate can the slaveholder of the South be excluded from thither for settlement ? settling in such Territory with his property of every Sovereignty follows the ownership of the domain, and description. If the right of exclusive legislation for the therefore the sovereignty over the Territories is in the Territories belongs to Congress, then I have shown that States in their confederated capacity; hence the reason they have no Constitutional power, either expressed or that the legislation of Congress, as the agent of the States implied, to prohibit Slavery therein. But suppose that respecting the Territories, must be limited by the object Congress have the right to establish a Territorial Gov. of the trust, the situation and nature of the property to ernment only, and that then, all further governmental be administered, and the respective rights of the proper control ceases ; can the Territorial Legislature pass an owners. Now, if the sovereignty over the Territories is act prohibiting Slavery? Surely not. For the mo- in the States, and the right of legislation not in Congress, ment you admit the right to organize a Territorial Gov- but in the inhabitants of the Territories, it is evident that ernment to exist in Congress, you admit, necessarily they can have no higher right of legislation than Congress he subordination of the people of the Territory-their could have; they must be bound by limitations just menlependence on this Government for an organic law to tioned; and if the prohibition of Slavery in the Territories give them political existence. Hence all their legisla- by Congress be inconsistent with these limitations, its protion must be in conformity with the organic law; they hibition by the territorial legislature would be so likewise. can pass no act in violation of it-none but such as per- If possessing the right of legislation, the inhabitants of mits. Since, therefore, Congress has no power, as I the Territories are bound by the limitations to which I have shown, to prohibit Slavery, they cannot delegate have alluded, it may be asked, who holds the check upon such a power to the inhabitants of the Territory; they their action? I reply, that it is indispensable for Con. cannot authorize the Territorial Legislature to do that gress to exercise the veto upon their legislation. Who which they have no power to do. The stream cannot else shall prevent their passing laws in violation of the rise higher than its source. This is as true in govern- equal rights of the States in the Territory, which is the ments as in physics.
common property of all? Without the retention of a veto It is idle, however, to discuss this question in this form. upon the legislation of the Territorial Governments, it For if Congress possess the power to organize temporary would make the inhabitants of the Territory independent governments, it must then possess the power to legislate of Congress; aye, it would establish the proposition, that for the Territories. If they may perform the greater, they the moment you conquer a people they rise superior to may the less; the major includes the minor proposition. the government that conquers. New-Mexico and Californla are ours by treaty; but for all the purposes of this ar- | a majority one by twenty members of the gument, we have acquired them by conquest. To assert; Committee, and a minority one by four mem. therefore, that they have the right to legislate over all subjects—to prohibit Slavery, despite the consent of the bers, which latter division included Herschel they become invested with rights superior to those of Con minority report. United States—is to say that, by our conquest of them, V. Johnson who, as chairman, introduced the gress. The institution of Slavery is guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and it has the same that armory to pass under the control of such an E.c- the blessings of Slavery, like the religion of our Divino ecutive head:
The two reports were discussed by various protection thrown around it which guards our citizens persons, Mr. Johnson defending his, and Howell against the granting of titles of nobility or the establish; | Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, acting as pacifibound to veto an act of Territorial legislation prohibiting cator. The latter gentleman stated that there it, as an act violating these rights of every citizen of the was “no difference in the principles enunciated Republic.
in both the majority and minority reports. Mr. Mangum.—This is a free Territory (New-Mexico) I am now speaking about. Suppose a North Carolinian emi. There were only two minor differences; ove grates to New-Mexico with his slaves ? they must either be was, that the majority report indorsed the recognized as property, or not; who has the right to deter- secession from the Charleston Conventionmine that question ?
Mr. Johnson. – I think that question has already been while the minority neither indorsed nor comdecided by the late treaty (with Mexico). . Now, is not mended the action of the Georgia delegates Slavery in the United States a political as well as a muni- there." cipal institution ? It is municipal, in that its entire control
The result was, that the majority report was and continuance belong to the State in which it exists; and it is political, because it is recognized by the organic law adopted by a vote of 299 to 4i, when the of the Confederacy, and cannot be changed or altered by minority, under the lead of Mr. Johnson, sebecause it is a fundamental law, that three-fifths of the ceded, organized another Convention and apslaves are represented in the National Legislature. Being pointed a full delegation to Baltimore, one. political, upon the execution of the Treaty of Cession with half of whom were admitted to seats by the Slexico, it extended eo instanti, over the Territories of Convention, together with one-half of the other zen of the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Mangum) delegation. were to remove with his slaves into New-Mexico, his right The following is the report presented to the to their use and service is guaranteed by the Constitution regular Convention by Mr. Johnson : of the United States, and no power on earth can deprive him of them, It is a misapplication of terms to speak
MINORITY REPORT. of prohibiting Slavery in the territory of the United States. It already exists in contemplation of law, and the legisla
Resoloed, That we reaffirm the Cincinnati Platform, tion proposed (prohibition) amounts to abolition.
with the following additional propositions : But suppose, Mr. President, you have the right to pro
1st. That the citizens of the United States have an equal hibit Slavery in the Territories of the United States, what right to settle with their property of any kind, in the high political consideration requires you to exercise it? organized Territories of the United States, and that under All must see, that it cannot be effected without producing the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in a popular convulsion which will probably dissolve the case of Dred Scott, which we recognize as the correct this Union.
exposition of the Constitution in this particular, slave
property stands upon the same footing as all other CAPITAL SHOULD OWN LABOR."
descriptions of property, and that neither the General
Government, NOR ANY TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT, can Mr. Herschel V. Johnson made a speech at a destroy or impair the right to slave property in the Democratic meeting in Philadelphia on the 17th description of property; that property of all kinds, of September, 1856, in which the newspapers Territories, stand upon the same equal and broad Consti. report him as having said, among other things: tutional basis, and subject to like principles of recognition
“We believe that capital should own labor ; is there and protection in the LEGISLATive, judicial and execuany doubt that there must be a laboring class every- tive departments of the Government. where? In all countries and under every form of social
2d. That we will support any man who may be nomi. organization there must be a laboring class-a class of Dated by the Baltimore Convention, for the Presidency, men who get their living by the sweat of their brow; and who holds the principles set forth in the foregoing prothen there must be another class that controls and di- position, an will give them indorsement, and rects the capital of the country."
that we will not hold ourselves bound to support any man,
who may be the nominee, who entertains principles ino UR. JOHNSON'S VIEWS ON POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY.
consistent with those set forth in the above proposition,
or who denies that slave property in the Territories After the adjournment of the Democratic does stand on an equal footing, and on the same Consti
tutional basis of other descriptions of property. National Convention from Charleston to Balti
In view of the fact that a large majority of the delegates more a Democratic State Convention met at from Georgia felt it to be their duty to withdraw from the Milledgeville, Ga., on the 4th of June, to take late Democratic Convention at Charleston, thereby deaction in regard to the secession of most of the priving this State of her vote therein, according to the
decision of said Convention. Georgia delegates at Charleston. It seems that Resowed, That this Convention will appoint twenty a Business Committee of 24 was appointed, of delegates-four from the State at large, and two from which Herschel V. Johnson was one. This
each Congressional District-to represent the Democratic
party of Georgia, in the adjourned Convention at BaltiCommittee disagreed as to the propriety of ap- more, on the 18th inst., and that said delegates be and pointing new delegates to Baltimore, the friends they are hereby instructed to present the foregoing proof the Seceders opposing and a few who pre Democratic Convention.
positions, and ask their adoption by the National
HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, ferred to see Douglas elected to a dissolution
Thos. P. SAFFOLD, of the party, favcring that step; and the conse
H. K. McCay,
A. COLVARD. quence was, that two reports were presented
TREASON AND DISUNION AVOWED.
In 1856, as now, many of the leading States. | arm of southern freemon upon the Treasury and are men and editors of the Democratic party in the chives of the Government. *(Applause.) Southern States uttered predictions of Disunion,
The Charleston " Mercury,” the recognized made arguments for Disunion and very solemn organ of the South Carolina Democracy, in a threats of Disunion in case they should be recent article says: beaten in the Presidential Election. Mr. Slidell, Upon the policy of dissolving the Onion, of separatSenator from Louisiana, and the particular in the South from her northern enemies, and estabfriend and champion of Mr. Buchanan, declared ticians, and people, are a unit. There is not a single in 1856 that “if Fremont should be elected, public man in her limits, not one of her present repre the Union would be dissolved.” Mr. Toombs, sentatives or senators in Congress who is not piedged of Georgia, said “that in such an event the ber that one of the most prominent leaders of the coöpeUnion would be dissolved, and ought to be dis- ration party, when taunted with submission, rebuked the solved." Mr. Butler, of S. C., a leading mem- thought by saying, “ that in opposing secession, he only ber of the U. S. Senate and chairman of the took a step backward to strike a blow more deadly
against the Union." Judiciary Committee in 1856, said:
In the autumn of 1856, Henry A. Wise, then
The South could not, without degradation, submit to
can, under circumstances like these, is to tell me that
Virginia and the fourteen Slave States are already subjuMr. Keitt, of S. C., made a fiery speech at gilted and degraded, (cheers ;] that the southern people Lynchburgh, Va., in 1856 and in view of the are without spirit, and without purpose to defend the apprehended election of Col. Fremont, ex- you submit 10 the election of Fremont, you will prove
rights they know and dare not maintain. [Cheers ] If claimed:
what Seward and Burlingame said to be true-that the
Delta," a journal high in the confidence of the
election, or a failure to elect by the people, to call the Mr. Preston S. Brooks was complimented for concert measures to withdraw from the Union before
Legislatures of Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia 'to his attempted (and nearly successful) assassi- Fremont can get possession of the Army and navy and nation of Senator Sumner, by an ovation at the the purse-strings of government. Governor Wise is ac
The South can hands of his constituents at which Senators But- tively at work already in the matter.
rely on the President in the emergency contemplated. ler, S. C., and Toombs, of Georgia, assisted. The question now is, whether the people of the South wili The hero of the day, Mr. Brooks, made a speech sustain their leaders. on the occasion from which the following is an At a Union meeting recently held at Knox. extract;
ville, Tenn., Judge Daily, formerly of Georgia, We have the issue upon us now; and how are we to made a violent southern speech, in the course of meet it? I tell you, fellow-citizens, from the bottom of which he said: my heart, that the only mode which I think available for meeting it is just to tear the Constitution of the United
During the Presidential contest, Governor Wise had adStates, trample it under foot, and form a Southern dressed letters to all the southern governors, and that Confederacy every State of which will be a slavehold the one to tho Governor of Florida had been shorn ing State.. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) I believe it, him, in which Gov. Wise said he had an army in reads as I stand in the face of my Maker ; I believe it on my ed, and asking the coöperation of those to whom he
iness to prevent Fremont from taking his seat if electresponsibility to you as your honored representative, that the only hope of the South is in the South, and that the only available means of making that hope Charles J. Faulkner, formerly a Representaeffective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie up to: tive in Congress from Virginia, Chairman of the gether, and take our separate position in the family Democratic Congressional Committee, in 1856, of nations. These are my opinions. They have always been my opinions. I have been a disunionist from and now Minister to France, at a recent Demothe time I could think.
Now, fellow-citizens, I have told you very frankly cratic meeting held in Virginia, over which ho and undisguisedly, that I believe the only hope of the presided, said: South is in dissolving the bonds which connect us with When that noble and gallant son of Virginia, Henry A. the Government-in separating the living body from Wise, declared, as was said he did in October, 1856, that the dead carca88. If I was the commander of an army, if Fremont should be elected, HE WOULD SEIZE THE NAI never would post a sentinel who would not swear TIONAL ARSENAL AT HARPER'S FERRY, how few would, at that Slavery i8 right.”.
that time, have justified so bold and decided a measure ? I speak on my individual responsibility : If Fremont It is the fortune of some great and gifted minds to set be elected President of the United States, I am for the far in advance of their contemporaries. Should Wil people in their majesty rising, above the laro and Liam H. Seward be elected in 1860, where is the man now leaders, taking the power into their own hands, going in our midst, who bould not call for the impeachment by concert or not by concert, and laying the strong of a Governor of Virginia who would silently suffer
Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth; and, rebelThe Richmond Enquirer, long one of the lious and wicked as the Yankees have been, I would even
extend it to them. leading exponents of the Southern Democracy, Whether we can obtain the Territory while the Union in commenting on the murderous assault on lasts, I do not know; I fear we cannot. But I would make Senator Sumner, said :
an honest effort, and if we failed, I would go out of the
Union, and try it there. I speak plainly-I would make a Sumner, and Sumner's friends, must be punished and si- refusal to acquire territory, because it was to be slave terlenced. . Either such wretches must be hung or put in the ritory, a cause for disunion, just as I would make the refupenitentiary, or the South should prepare at once to quit sal to admit a new State, because it was to be a Slave State, the Union.
a cause for disunion. If Fremont is elected, the Union will not last an hour The election of Mr. Seward, or any other man of his after Mr. Pierce's term expires.
party, is not, per se, justifiable ground for dissolving the If Fremont is elected, it will be the duty of the South Union. But the act of putting the Government in the to dissolve the Union and form a Southern Confederacy. hands of men who mean to use it for our subjugation, ought
Let the South present a compact and undivided front. to be resisted, even to the disruption of every tie that
Jefferson Davis, U. S. Senator from Missis.
For myself, I say, as I said on a former occasion, in to his constituents previous to the assembling of platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union the second session of the 36th Congress, said : be dissolved. Let the "great, but not the greatest of
Senate, contemplating the possible defeat of
Mr. Clay, of Alabama, in a recent speech in "In a confederated government of their own, the south- his party in the coming Presidential contest, ern States would enjoy sources of wealth, prosperity, and
I make no predictions, no promise for my State; panding policy would stretch far beyond present limits. but, in conclusion, will only say, that if she is faithful to Central America would join her destiny to ours, and so the pledges she has made and principles she has prowould Cuba, now withheld from us by the voice and votes fessed-if she is true to her own interest and her own of Abolition enemies.
honor-if she is not recreant to all that State pride, inDuring the late memorable contest for Speaker, tegrity and duty demand-she will never submit to your
I will add, that unless she and all the the same Senator remarked, as follows:
southern States of this Union, with perhaps but two, or, Sir, I will tell you what I would do, if I had the control | at most, three exceptions, are not faithless to the pledges of the southern members of this House and the other, when they have given, they will never submit to the govern you elect John Sherman. If I had control of the public ment of a President professing yo r political faith sentiment, the very moment you elect John Sherman, and elected by your sectional majority. thus giving to the South the example of insult as well as When Mr. Clay had taken his seat, Mr. Gwin, injury, I would walk, every one of us, out of the Hallsof of California, made a speech in which he denever enter again until I was bade to do so by those who clared it as "the inevitable result that the had the right to control me. Sir, I go further than that. South would prepare for resistance in the event I would counsel my constituents instantly to dissolve all of the election of a Republican President.". political ties with a party and a people who thus trample on our rights. That is what I would do.
On the 24th of January, 1860, the Hon. In an elaborate speech delivered later in the Robert Toombs, of Georgia, made a violent session by the same Senator, he said:
speech in the Senate, on Mr. Douglas' Resolu
tion directing the Judiciary Committee to reSir, there is but one path of safety to the South; but port a bill for the protection of each State and and that is a confederacy of States having no incongraous Territory against invasion from any other State and opposing elements—a confederacy of Slave States or Territory. Mr. Toombs commenced his alone, with homogeneous language, laws, interests, and in speech by the announcement that the country Constitution which should shut out the approach and en was in the midst of civil war, adding, “I feel trance of all incongruous and conflicting elements, which and know that a large body of these Senators should protect the institution from change, and keep the are enemies of my country.”
Mr. Toombs pro whole nation ever bound to its preservation, by an unchangeable fundamental law, the fifteen Slave štates, with ceeded in an elaborate and vituperative speech their power of expansion, would present to the world the to prove that the people of the North had viomost free, prosperous, and happy nation on the face of the lated the Constitution, by refusing to capture wide earth.
Sir, with these views, and with the firm conviction which and return fugitive slaves to their masters in I have entertained for many years, and which recent events the South. have only seemed to confirm, that the “irrepressible conflict” between the two sections must and will go on, and I feel that I have no need to pledge my poor services to
Sir, I have but little more to add—nothing for myself. with accumulated speed, and must end, in the Union, with this great cause-to my country. My State has spoken the total extinction of African Slavery in the southern for herself. Nine years ago a convention of her people States, that I have announced my determination to ap met and declared that her connection with this governprove and urge the southern States to dissolve the Union ment depended upon the faithful execution of this fugitive upon the election of a Black Republican to the Presidency slave law, and her full enjoyment of equal rights in the of the United States, by a sectional northern party, and common Territories. I have shown that the one continupon a platform of opposition and hostility to southern gency has already arrived; the other waits only the sucSlavery.
cess of the Republican party in the approaching PresidenSenator Brown, of Mississippi, in a recent tial election. I was a member of that convention, and e peech to his constituents, said:
stood then and now pledged to its action. I have faith
fully labored to avert these calamities. I will yet labor I want Cuba ; I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or until this last contingency happens, faithfully, honestly, two other Mexican States; and I want them all for the and to the best of my poor abilities. When that time same reason- for the pliinting and spreading of sla- comes, freemen of Georgia redeem your pledge; I am rery. And a footing in Central America will powerfully ready to redeem mine. Your honor is involved-your aid us in acquiring those other States. Yes; I want these faith is plighted. I know you feel a stain as a wound; countries for the spread of slavery. I would spread your peace, your social system, your firesides are in