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by the Assembly two days later, on the 6th of following are extracts from the address then January :
adopted : Wherens, The people of the State of New-Mexico FELLOW-CITIZENS: Hitherto when we have assembled in have petitioned Congress for the establishment of a Ter- Convention, there were well known and well recognized ritorial Government which shall protect them against the bounds to our country, but now that the spirit of coninstitution of domestic Slavery while they remain a ter-quest has been let loose, who can tell where is his counritory of the United States, and have also petitioned Con-try, whether on the Rio Grande, the Sierra Nevada, the gress for protection against the unfounded claims of the Rio Gila or the Gulf of California, or whether part SpanState of Texas to a large portion of their territory lying ish, much Indian, and some Negro, Santa Féan or Cali. east of the Rio Grande; and, whereas, it would be un- fornian may not be as good an American citizen as him. just to the people of New-Mexico and California, and self? Our flag is borne, with fixed bayonets to surround revolting to the spirit of the age, to permit domestic it, and unmuzzled grape-shot to clear the way, in the Slavery-an institution from which they are now free-conquering footsteps of Cortes-by the base of the snowy to be introduced among them: and, whereas, since the peaks of Popocatapetl, to the Eternal city of the acquisition of New Mexicby the United States the peo- Aztecs - and Mexicans of every color, and every breed, ple thereof have a right to expect the protection of the sprung from commingling Moor and straight-haired Afri. General Government, and should be secured in the full can, as well as from Castile and Leon, are made Ameripossession and enjoyment of their Territory: therefore can citizens, or prepared for being made so, by the gen
Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in tle logic of red-mouthed artillery, thundering from the Congress be requested to use their best efforts to procure bristling heights of Cerro Gordo to the bloody plains of the passage of laws for the establishment of govern-Contreras and Churubusco. Wherever that fag is, with ments for the Territories acquired by the treaty of peace its stars and stripes, the emblein of our Nationality, with Mexico, and that by such laws involuntary servi- | there our hearts are; but woe! woe! to the men, we cry, tude, except for crime, be excluded from such Terri- who have dispatched it upon its mission of Conquest, tories.
and what is yet worse, the conversion of a Free into à Resoloed, That the territory lying between the Nue- Slaveholding Territory. ces and the Rio Grande is the common propert of Fellow-citizens, disguise the Mexican war as sophistry the United States, and that our Senators and Representa- may, the great truth cannot be pui down, that it exists tives in Congress be requested to use their best efforts to because of the annexation of Texas; that from such a preserve the same as such common property, and protect cause we predicted such it consequence would follow: it from the unfounded claim of the State of Texas, and and that, but for that cause, no war would have existed prohibit the extension over it of the laws of Texas, or the at all. Disguise its intent, purposes and consequences institution of doinestic Slavery.
as sophistry may struggle to do, the further great truth Resolved, that the existence of prisons for the con cannot be hidden, that its inain object is the conquest of finement and marts for the sale of slaves, at the seat of a Market for Slaves, and that the flag our victorious the National Government, is viewed by this legislature legions rally around, fight under, and fall for, is to be with deep regret and mortification; that such prisons and desecrated from its holy character of Liberty and Emanmarts ought forthwith to be abolished; therefore be it cipation into an errant of Bondage and Slavery. In further
obedience to the laws, and in a due and fiithful submisResowed, That our Senators and Representatives in sion to the regularly constituted government of our Congress be requested to use their strenuous efforts to country, we will rally by and defend our flag on what. procure the passage of a law that shall protect slaves ever soil or whatever sea it is unfurled; but before high from unjust imprisonment, and shall etfectually put an Heaven we protest against the mission on which it is end to the slave-trade in the District of Columbia. sent, and we demand its recall to the true and proper
Resolved, that the Governor be requested to forward bounds of our country, as soon as in honor it can be copies of the preceding resolutions to each Senator and brought home. We protest, ton, in the name of the rights Representative in Congress from this State,
of Man, and of Liberty, against the further extension of
Slavery in North America. The curse which our mother MR. DIX FOR SLAVERY PROHIBITION.
country inflicted upon us, in spite of our fathers' remonThese resolutions were presented in the U. S. the North Pacific.
strances, we demand shall never blight the virgin soil of
We will not pour out the Senate by the Hon. John A. Dix (now, 1860,) blood of our countrymen, if we can help it, to turn a Fren Postmaster of New-York, and defended by him hundred millions of dollars per year to make a Slave
We will not spend from fifty to a in an elaborate and able speech. On the first Mirket for any portion of our countrymen. We will resolution, he said:
never, for such a purpose, consent to run up an untold This resolution was in sentiment, if not in words, mongers, Tax-Brokers, Tax-gatherers, laying an excise or
National debt, and saddle our posterity with Fund. identical with those which have been passed by fifteen an impost on everything they taste, touch or live by. of the thirty States of the Union. With a single excep-he Union as it is, tiie whole Union, and nothing but the tion, all the non-slaveholding and one of the slaveholding Union, we will stand by to the last-hut No More TerriStates have declared themselves opposed to the exten. sion of Slavery into territory now free. Sir, I fully con tory is vur watch-w ri, unless it be Frue. cur in the propriety of this declaration. I believe that
RESOLVES. Congress has the power to prohibit Slavery in California and New Mexico; that it is our duty to exercise the Among the Resolutions unanimously adopted power, and that it should be exercised now. I am by this Convention was the following: always for acting when the proper time for action has come. I am utterly opposed to any course which shall
Rosoloed, That while the Whig Freemen of New York, cast upon others the responsibility which belongs to our represented in this Convention, will faithfully adhere to selves. The resolution looks to the exclusion of Slavery all the compromises of the Constitution, and jealously from New Mexico and California during their territorial mainiain all the reserved rights of the States, they condition only. It does not look beyond that condition declare-since the crisis has arrived when the question with a view to control the people when they shall have must be met--their uncompromising hostility to ihe Excome into the Union. It contemplates no invasion of tension of Sia very into any Territory now Free, or which State sovereignty. In this view of the subject, one of the may be hereafter acquired by any action of the GovernNew-York presses which has resisted all interference with ment of our Union. Slavery, even the Territories, pronounced these resolu
FREE DEMOCRACY OF NEW-YORK CITY AGAINST tions conciliatory in their character. I do not know that I should call them either conciliatory or the reverse.
SLAVERY EXTENSION. They take firmly the ground that New-York has always taken, that Slavery shall by no act of hers be further ex: Park at New-York, October 9, 1848, at which
At a Free Democratic Meeting held in the justice, and of right and I do not hesitate to say she will Henry Everson presided, and S. J. Tilden, John never abandon it--never, never.
Van Buren, and John Cochrane spoke, Mr. THE NEW-YORK WhIGS FOR FREEDOM IN 1847. Cochrane introduced the following Resolves,
At the Whig State Convention held at Syra- which were adopted : cuse, October 6, 1847, the Hon. James Brooks Resoloed, That the politics of the times indicate prereported a brief address to the Whigs of the cisely to whom remain the principles of the Democracy;
that the absence from the field of discussion of the finanState, which was unanimously adopted. The cial and commercial questions which formerly defined
political differences, permits that other party tests than single foot of soil where it is not now authorized by those which, even if demanding attention, still as but law. questions of expediency, should be, as they have been, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, postponed to the consideration of that one of vital im
GREENE C. BRONSON. portance, the freedom of our land.
To Messrs. J. COCHRANE, and others, Committee. Resolved, that we think contemptuously of the mind which discovers in the extension of the area of Freedom NEW HAMPSHIRE FOR THE WILMOT PROVISO. cause for the degradation of the South. Could nature so belie herself that the preservation of their “inalienable
The legislature (then Democratic) of Newrights” to any portion of mankind, must be attended by Hampshire, in June, 1847, passed the following proportionate violation of those of any other portion, we resolution : say, perish those rights dependent on the Slavery of others, rather than one tittle of those be injured that are
Resolved, That in all territory which shall hereafter he consistent with the rights of all; that our Constitution added to or acquired by the United States, where slavery and our federal history speak to us through the voices of does not exist at the time of such addition, or acquirement, the Jeffersons, the Pinckneys, the Lees, and the Ran- neither Slavery or involuntary servitude, except for the dolphs of the South, against this miserable, false pre- punishment of crime, whereof the party has been duly tense. It is not so ! The success of the free principles convicted, ought ever to exist, but the same should ever for which we contend, will reëstablish the lost equality of remain free; and we are opposed to the extension of the States - lost in the insidious increase of the slave Slavery over every such Territory—and that we also States from six, their original and constitutional number, approve the vote of our Senators and Representatives in to fifteen, the present aggressive and unconstitutional Congress in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. number-lost in the twenty-one voices and votes wbich
OHIO FOR FREE SOIL. Southern chattel slaves possess among the representatives of a free people at Washington-lost in the limited
In the Ohio House of Representatives (session wealth, in the low intelligence, and in the inferior civili- of 1847-8) the following resolution was passed zation of the South. We would restore this lost equality, by a vote of 43 to 12: and, so far from degrading any portion of the Union, we mean to elevate the whole to the possession of that Free- Resoloed, By the General Assembly of the State of dom which alone should be the National characteristic. Ohio, that the Senators and Representatives from this
Resolved, That our senses reject the audacious asser-State in the Congress of the United States be and they are tion that the Extension of Slave Territory at the South hereby requested, to procure the passage of measures in will abate the evil at the North. Aside from the ab- the National Legislature, providing for the exclusion of surdity which it involves, that an evil declines in propor- Slavery from the Territory of Oregon, and also from any tion to and expires with the substance which it procures, other Territory that now is, or hereafter may be, annexed experience has taught, and the history of the “ Pecu to the United States. liar Institution” itself manifests, that the slaveowner of the “ Old Dominion” breeds an increasing gang, and
ILLINOIS FOR FREE SOIL. amasses an accumulating hoard, just as the demand for The following Resolutions were adopted by slaves increases with the diffusion of Slavery over free territory at the South. In the year 1790, when Alabama, the Senate of Illinois on the 8th of January, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Tennessee, | 1849, and the House of Representatives on the Kentucky, and Florida, were free soil, the slave popula: following day. The Legislature was largely tion was 697,896. spread over this free soil, it numbered 2,487,355, being an Democratic in both branches at the time : increase in fifty years of 1,787,457 slaves. The extension Resolved by the Senate of the State of Illinois, the of Slavery to new territory, instead of abating the evil House of Representatives concurring, That our Senain Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, where it tors in Congress be instructed, and our Representatives numbered in the year 1810, 590,000 slaves, has multiplied requested, to use all honorable means in their power to them to 775,000, in the year 1840, showing an increase procure the enactment of such laws by Congress for the in thirty years of 185,000 slaves. The existence of government of the countries and territories of the United Slavery depends on its diffusion,
States acquired by the treaty of peace, friendship, limits
and settlement with the Republic of Mexico, concluded GREENE C. BRONSON'S OPINION IN 1848. February 2, 1848, as shall contain the express declara
tion" that there shall be neither Slavery nor involunIn a letter dated July 15th, 1848, Mr. Bron- tary servitude in said territories otherwise than in
the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have son, after declining an invitation to attend a been duly convicted.” political meeting, says:
Resowed by the House of Representatives, the Senate
concurring herein, That the Governor be respectfully Slavery cannot exist where there is no positive law to requested to transmit to each of our Senators and Repuphold it. It is not necessary that it should be forbidden; resentatives in Congress a copy of the joint resolution of it is enough that it is not specially authorized. If the the Senate, concurred in by the House on the 9th inst., owner of slaves removes with or sends the into any for the exclusion of Slavery from the new territories ao country, State or Territory, where Slavery does not exist quired by our late treaty with the Republic of Mexico. by law, they will from that inoment become free men, and will have as good a right to command the master, as he SOUTH CAROLINA FOR THE FOREIGN SLAVE-TRADE. will have to command them. State laws have no extraterritorial authority; and a law of Virginia which makes
In the annual message of Governor Adams, a man a slave there, cannot make him a slave in New- of South Carolina, for the year 1856, he proYork, nor beyond the Rocky Mountains. Entertaining no doubt upon that question, I can see no the slave-trade, as follows:
ceeded to argue in favor of the reopenivg of occasion for asking Congress to legislate against the extension of Slavery into free territory, and, as a question It is apprehended that the opening of this trade will of policy, I think it had better be let alone. If our South- lessen the value of slaves, and ultimately destroy the ern brethren wish to carry their slaves to Oregon, New- institution. It is a sufficient answer to point to the fact Mexico or California, they will be under the necessity of that unrestricted immigration has not diminished the asking a law to warrant it; and it will then be in time for value of labor in the northwestern Confederacy. The cry the Free Statos to resist the measure, as I cannot doubt there is the want of labor, notwithstanding capital has the they would, with unwavering firmness.
pauperism of the old world to press into the grinding serI would not needlessly move this question, as it is one vice. If we cannot supply the demand for siave labor, then of an exciting nature, which tends to sectional division, we must expect to supply with a species of labor we do and may do us harm as a people. I would leave it to the not want, and which is, from the very nature of things, Slaveholding States to decide for themselves, and on their antagonistic to our institutions. It is much better that own responsibility, when, if ever, the matter shall be our drays should be driven by slaves, that our factories agitated in Congress. It may be that they will act should be worked by slaves, that our hotels should be wisely, and never move at all; especially as it seems served by slaves, that our locomotives should be managed pretty generally agreed that neither Oregon, New-Mexico, by slaves, than that we should be exposed to the introducnor California, are well adapted to slave labor. But if tion from any quarter of a population alien to us by birth, our Southern brethren should make the question, we shall training, and education, and which in the process of time have no choice but to meet it; and then, whatever conse- must lead to the conflict between capital and labor, which quences may follow, I trust the people of the Free States makes it so diilic:alt to maintain free institutions in all will give a united voice against allowing Slavery on a 'wealthy and civilized nations where such institutions as ours do not exist. In all slaveholding States true policy necessary to a continuance of our monopoly in plantation dictates that the superior race should direct, and the products. I believe that they are necessary to the full inferior perform all menial service. Competition between development of our whole round of agricultural and me the white and black man for this service may not disturb chanical resources; that they are necessary to the restoNorthern sensibility, but does not exactly suit our latitude. ration of the South to an equality of power in the Fede
Irrespective, however, of interest, the act of Congress ral Government, perhaps to the very integrity of slave declaring the slave-trade piracy is a brand upon us which society, disturbed as it has been by causes which have I think it important to remove. If the trade be piracy, the introduced an undue proportion of the ruling race. To us alaves must be plunder, and no ingenuity can avoid the have been committed the fortunes of this peculiar form of logical necessity of such a conclusion. My hopes and society resulting from the union of unequal races. It has fortunes are indissolubly associated with this form of vindicated its claim to the approbation of an enlightened society. I feel that I would be wanting in duty if I did humanity; it has civilized and christianized the African; not urge you to withdraw your assent to an act which is it has exalted the white race to higher hopes and purposes, itself a direct condemnation of your institutions. But we and it is perhaps of the most sacred obligation that we have interests to enforce a course of self-respect. I be should give it the means of expansion, and that we should lieve, as I have already stated, that more slaves are press it forward to a perpetuity of progress.
MR. HAMLIN RENOUNCES THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
On the 12th of June, 1856, Mr. Hamlin rose That Senators might have voted for that measure under in his place in the Senate, and spoke as follows: the belief then expressed and the predictions to which I
have alluded, I can well understand. But how Senators Mr. Hamlin.-Mr. President, I rise for a purpose purely can now defend that measure amid all its evils, which are personal, such as I have never before risen for in the overwhelming the land, if not threatening it with a conBenate. I desire to explain some matters personal to flagration, is what I do not comprehend. The whole of myself and to my own future course in public life. the disturbed state of the country has its rise in, and is Several Senators.--Go on,
attributable to that act alone--nothing else. It lies at Mr. Hamlin.--I ask the Senate to excuse me from further the foundation of all our misfortunes and commotions. service as Chairman of the Committee on Commerce. 1 There would have been no incursions by Missouri borderdo so because I feel that my relations hereafter will be ers into Kansas, either to establish Slavery, or to control of such a character as to render it proper that I should elections. There would have been no necessity, either, no longer hold that position. I owe this act to the domi- for others to have gone there partially to aid in preservnant majority in the Senate. When I cease to harmonize ing the country in its then condition. All would have with the majority, or tests are applied by that party with been peace there. Had it not been done, that rewhich I have acted to which I cannot submit, I feel that pose and quiet which pervaded the public mind then, I ought no longer to hold that respectable position. I would hold it in tranquillity to-day. Instead of startling propose to state briefly the reasons which have brought events we should have quiet and peace within our bors me to that conclusion.
ders, and that fraternal feeling which ought to animate During nine years of service in the Senate, I have pre- the citizens of every part of the Union toward those of ferred rather to be a working than a talking member; and all other sections. so I have been almost a silent one. On the subjects which Sir, the events that are taking place around us are have so much agitated the country, Senators know that indeed startling. They challenge the public mind and I have rarely uttered a word. I love my country more appeal to the public judgment; they thrill the public than I love my party. I love my country above my love nerve as electrity imparts a tremulous motion to the tele. for any interest that can too deeply agitate or disturb its graphic wire. It is a period when all good men should harmony. I saw, in all the exciting scenes and debates unite in applying the proper remedy to secure peace and through which we have passed, no particular good that harmony to the country. Is this to be done by any of us, would
result from my active interiningling in them. My by remaining associated with those who have been instruheart has often been full, and the impulses of that heart mental in producing these results, and who now justify have often been felt upon my lips; but I have repressed them? I do not see my duty lying in that direction. them there.
I have, while temporarily acquiescing, stated here and Sir, I hold that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise at home, everywhere, uniformly, that when the test of was a gross moral and political wrong, unequaled in the those measures was applied to me as one of party fidelity, annals of the legislation of this country, and hardly I would sunder them as flax is sundered at the touch of equaled in the annals of any other free country. Still, fire. I do it now. sir, with a desire to promote harmony and concord and The occasion involves a question of moral duty; and brotherly feeling, I was a quiet man under all the excit- self-respect allows me no other line of duty but to follow ing debates which led to that fatal result. I believed it the dictates of my own judgment and the impulses of my wrong then; I can see that wrong lying broadcast all own heart. A just man may cheerfully submit to many around us now. As a wrong, I opposed that measure-enforced humiliations; but a self-degraded man has not, indeed, by my voice, but with consistent and steady ceased to be worthy to be deemed a man at all. and uniform votes. I so resisted it in obedience to the Sir, what has the recent Democratic Convention at dictates of my own judgment. I did it also cheerfully, Cincinnati done?
It has indorsed the measure I have in compliance with the instructions of the legislature of condemned, and has sanctioned its destructive and ruinDlaine, which were passed by a vote almost unanimous. ous effects. It has done more--vastly more. That prinIn the House of Representatives of Maine, consisting of ciple or policy of Territorial Sovereignty which once had, one hundred and fifty-one members, only six, I think, and which I suppose now has, its advocates within these dissented; and in the Senate, consisting of thirty-one walls, is stricken down; and there is an absolute denial members, only one member non-concurred.
of it in the resolutions of the Convention, if I can draw But the Missouri restriction was abrogated. The por right conclusions-a denial equally to Congress, and even tentous evils that were predicted have followed, and are to the people of the Territories, of the right to settle the yet followiug, along in its train. It was done, sir, in question of Slavery therein. On the contrary, the Conviolation of the pledges of that party with which I have vention has actually incorporated into the platform of always acted, and with which I have always voted. It the Democratic party that doctrine which, only a few was done in violation of solemn pledges of the President years ago, met nothing but ridicule and contempt here of the United States, made in his Inaugural Address and elsewhere, namely: that the flag of the Federal Still, sir, I was disposed to suffer the wrong, while I should Union, under the Constitution of the United States, carsee that no evil results were flowing from it. We were ries Slavery wherever it floats. If this baieful principle told, by almost every Senator who addressed us upon be true, then that National Ode which inspires us always that occasion, that no evil results would follow; that no as on a battle-field, should be re-written by Drake, and practical difference in the settlement of the country, and should read thus: in the character of the future State, would take place,
“Forever float that standard sheet; whether the act were done or not. I have waited calmly
Where breathes the foe but falls before us, and patiently to see the fulfillment of that prediction ;
With Slavery's soil beneath our feet, and I am grieved, sir, to say now that they have at least
And Slavery's banner streaming o'er us?" been mistaken in their predictions and promises. They Now, sir, what is the precise condition in which this have all signally failed.
matter is left by the Cincinnati Convention! I do not design to trespass many moments on the Senate ; but al- Take all these resolutions together, and the deduction low me to read and offer a very few comments upon which we must necessarily draw from them is a denial to some portions of the Democratic platform. The first re- Congress of any power whatever to legislate upon the solution that treats upon the subject is in these words, subject of Slavery. The last resolution denies to the peoI read just so much of it as is applicable to my present ple of the Territories any power over that subject, save remarks:
when they shall have a sufficient number to form a con" That Congress has no power under the Constitution to institution and become a State, and also denies that Conterfere with or cootrol the domestic institutions of the several gress has any power over the subject; and so the resoluStates, and that all such States are the sole and proper judges tions hold that this power is at least in abeyance while of everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited the Territory is in a Territorial condition. That is the by the Constitution."
only conclusion which you can draw from these resoluI take it that this language, thus far, is language which tions. Alas! for short-lived Territorial Sovereignty! It meets a willing and ready response from every Senator came to its death in the house of its friends; it was buried here-certainly it does from me. But in the following by the same hands which had given it baptism ! resolution I find these words :
But, sir, I did not rise for the purpose of discussing “ Resolved, Thut the foregoing proposition covers, and was these 'resolutions, but only to read them, and state the Intended to embrace, the whole subject of Slavery'ngitution action which I propose to take in view of them. I may in Congress."
-I probably shall-take some subsequent occasion, when The first resolution which I read was adopted years I shall endeavor to present to the Senate and the counago in Democratic Conventions. The second resolution try a fair account of what is the true issue presented to which I read was adopted in subsequent years, when a the people for their consideration and decision. different state of things had arisen, and it became neces- My object now is to show only that the Cincinnati Consary to apply an abstract proposition relating to the vention has indorsed and approved of the repeal of the States, to the Territories. Hence the adoption of the lan- Missouri Compromise, from which so many evils have guage contained in the second Resolution which I have already flowed-from which, I fear, more and worse read.
evils must yet be anticipated. It would of course, be exNow, sir, I deny the position thus assumed by the Cin- pected that the Presidential nominee of that Convention cinnati Convention. In the language of the Senator from would accept, cordially and cheerfully, the platform preKentucky (Mr. Crittenden), so ably and so appropriately pared for him by his party friends. No person can obused on Tuesday last, I hold that the entire and unquali- ject to that. There is no equivocation on his part about fied sovereignty of the Territories is in Congress. That the matter. I beg leave to read a short extract from a is my judgment; but this resolution brings the Territories speech of that gentleman, made at his own home within precisely within the same limitations which are applied the last few days. In reply to the Keystone Club, which to the States in the resolution which I first read. The paid him a visit there, Mr. Buchanan said: two taken together deny to Congress any power of legis- “ Gentlemen, two weeks since I should have made you a lation in the Territories.
longer speech; but now I have been placed on a platform Follow on, and let us see what remains. Adopted as a of which I most heartily approve, and that can speak for me. part of the present platform, and as necessary to a new
Being the representative of the great Democratic party, and state of things, and to meet an emergency now existing, cording to the platform of the party, and insert no new plank,
not simply James Buchanan, I must square my conduct acthe Convention says:
nor take one from it." “The American Democracy recognize and adopt the princi. ples contained in the organic law establishing the Territories of which is to declare here that I can maintain political
These events leave to me only one unpleasant duty, Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the Slavery question, upon which ihe great national associations with no party that insists upon such docidea of the people of this whole country can repose, in its de trines; that I can support no man for President who termined conservatism of the Union-non-interference by Con- avows and recognizes them; and that the little of that gress with Slavery in the States and Territories."
power with which God has endowed me shall be em. Then follows the last resolution:
ployed to battle manfully, firmly, and consistently for “Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the
his defeat, demanded as it is by the highest interests of Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the country which owns all my allegiance. the fairly-expressed will of the majority of actual residents,
The President.—The question is on the motion of the and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifios it, to Senator from Maine to be excused from further service form a constitution, with or without domestic Slavery, and be on the Committee on Commerce. admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States."
The motion was agreed to.
ACCEPTANCE OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES.
MESSRS. LINCOLN AND HAMLIN ACCEPT.
The following is the correspondence between the officers of the Republican National Convention and the candidates thereof for President and Vice-President:
Chicago, May 18, 1860. To the Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, of Illinois.
Sir: The representatives of the Republican Party of the United States, assembled in Convention at Chicago, have this day, by a unanimous vote, selected you as the Republican candidate for the office of President of the United States to be supported at the next election; and the undersigned were appointed a Committee of the Con. vention to apprise you of this nomination, and respectfully to request that you will accept it. A declaration of the principles and sentiments adopted by the Convention accompanies this communication.
In the performance of this agreeable duty we take leave to add our confident assurance that the nomination of the Chicago Convention will be ratified by the suffrages of the people.
We have the honor to be, with great respect and regard, your friends and fellow-citizens.
GEORGB Ashmon, of Massachusetts,
President of the Convention.
EPHRAIM MARSH, of New Jersey,
SPRINGFILD, ILL., May 28, 1860.
SIR: I accept the nomination tendered me by the
formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, | as just and necessary to the preservation of the National acting as a Committee of the Convention for that pur- organization and the sacred right of representation, the pose.
action of the Convention over which you continued to The declaration of principles and sentiments, which preside; and thus approving it, and having resolved to accompanies your letter, weets my approval; and it sustain it, I feel that it does not become me to select the shall be my care not to violate, or disregard it, in any position I shall occupy, nor to shrink from the responsipart.
bilities of the post to which I have been assigned. Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and Accordingly, I accept the nomination from a sense of with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were public duty, and, as I think, uninfluenced in any degree represented in the Convention; to the rights of all the by the allurements of ambition, States, and Territories, and people of the nation; to the I avail myself of this occasion to say that the confidence inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, in my personal and public character implied by the action harmony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to coo of the Convention, will always be gratefully remembered; operate for the practical success of the principles declared and it is but just, also, to my own feelings, to express my by the Convention.
gratification at the association of my name with that it Your obliged friend and fellow.citizen, my friend Gen. Lane, a patriot and a soldier, whose great ABRAHAM LINCOLN services in the field and in council entitle him to the
gratitude and confidence of his countrymen. A similar letter was sent to the nominee for
The resolutions adopted by the Convention have my the Vice-Presidency, to which the following is cordial approval. They are just to all parts of the Union, the reply.
to all our citizens, native and naturalized, and they forın
a noble policy for any administration. WASHINGTON, May 30, 1860. The questions touching the rights of persons and proGENTLEMEN: Your official communication of the 18th perty, which have of late been much discussed, find in instant, informing me that the representatives of the these resolutions a constitutional solution. Our Union is Republican party of the United States, assembled at Chi: a Confederacy of equal sovereign States, for the purposes cago, on that day, had, by a unanimous vote, selecied enumerated in the Federal Constitution. Whatever the me as their candidate for the office of Vice-President of common Government hoids in trust for all the States must the United States, has been received, together with the be enjoyed equally by each. It controls the Territories resolutions adopted by the Convention as its declaration in trust for all the States. Nothing less than sovereignty of principles.
can destroy or impair the rights of persons or property. 'Those resolutions enunciate clearly and forcibly the The Territorial Governments are subordinate and tempoprinciples which unite us, a ud the objects proposed to be rary, and not sovereign; hence they cannot destroy or accomplished. They address themse ves to all, and there impair the rights of persons or property. While they is neither necessity nor propriety in my entering upon a continue to be Territories they are under the control of discussion of any of them. They have the approval of Congress, but the Constitution nowhere confers on any niy judgment, and in any action of mine will be faith- branch of the Federal Government the power to discrimifully and cordially sustained,
nate against the rights of the States or the property of I am profoundly grateful to those with whom it is my their citizens in the Territories. It follows that the citipride and pleasure politically to coöperate, for the nomi- zens of all the States may enter the Territories of the nation so unexpectedly conferred ; and I desire to tender Union with their property, of whatever kind, and enjoy it through you, to the members of the Convention, my sin- during the territorial condition without let or hindrance, cere thanks for the confidence thus reposed in me. Should either by Congress or by the subordinate Territorial the nomination, which I vow accepi, be ratified by the Governments. people, and the duties devolve upon me of presiding over These principles flow directly from the absence of the Senate of the United States, it will be my earnest sovereignty in the Territorial Governments, and from the endeavor faithfully to discharge them with a just regard equality of the States. Indeed, they are essential to that for the rights of all,
equality, which is, and ever has been, the vital principle It is to be observed, in connection with the doings of of our Constitutional Union. They have been settled the Republican Convention, that a paramount object legislatively-settled judiciously, and are sustained by with us is to preserve the normal condition of our Territo- right reason. They rest on the rock of the Constitution torial Domain as homes for Free men. The able adyocaie they will preserve the Union. and defender of Republican principles, whom you have It is idle to attempt to smother these great issues, or to nominated for the highest place that can gratify the misrepi esent them by the use of partisan phrases, which ambition of man, coues from a State which has been are misleading and delusive The people will look bemade what it is, by special action, in that respect, of the neath such expressions as “Intervention," Congresswise and good men who founded our institutions. The ional Slave Code," and the like, and will penetrate to the rights of free lahor have there heen vindicated and real questions involved. The f.iends of Constitutional maintained. The thrift and enterprise which so distin- equality do not and never did demand a “ Congressional guish Ilinois, one of the most flvurishing States of the Slave Code," nor any other code in regard to property in glorious West, we would see secured to all the Territories the Territories. They hold the doctrine of non-intervenof the Union; and restore peace and harmony to the tion by Congress, or by a Territorial Legislature, either whole country, by bringing back the Government to what to establish or prohibit Slavery; but they assert (fortifiit was under the wise and patriotic men who created it. ed by the highest judicial tribunal in the Union, the plain If the Republicans shall succeed in that object, as they duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, hope to, they will be held in grateful remembrance by the to secure, when necessary, to the citizens of all the busy and teeming millions of future ages.
States, the enjoyment of their property in the common I am, very truly yours, Territories, as everywhere else within its jurisdiction.
H. HAMLIN. The only logical answer to this would seem to be to The Hon. GEORGE Ashmun, President of the Convention, claim sovereign power for the Territories, or to deny and others of the Convention,
that the Constitution recognizes property in the services
of negro slaves, or to deny that such property can exist. MR. BRECKINRIDGE ACCEPTS.
Inexorable logic, which works its steady way through
clouds and passion, compels the country to meet the WASHINGTON City, July 6, 1860. issue. There is no evasive middle ground. Already the DEAR SIR: I have your letter of the 23d ultimo, by signs multiply of a fanatical and growing party, which which I am officially informed of my nomination for the denies that under the Constitution, or by any other law, office of President of the United States by the Democratic slave property can exist; and ultimately the struggle National Convention lately assembled at Baltimore. must come between this party and the National Demo
The circumstances of this nomination will justify me in cracy, sustained by all the other conservative elements referring to its personal aspect.
in the Union. I have not sought nor desired to be placed before the I think it will be impossible for a candid mind to discountry for the office of President. When my name was
cover hostility to the Union or a taint of sectionalism presented to the Convention at Charleston, it was with in the resolutions adopted by the Convention. The drawn by a friend in obedience to my expressed wishes. Constitution and the Union repose on the equality My views had not changed when the Convention reas
of the States, which lies like a broad foundation undersembled at Baltimore, and when I heard of the differences neath our whole political structure. As I construe which occurred there, my indisposition to be connected them, the resolutions simply assert this equality. They prominently with the canvass was confirmed and ex- demand nothing for any State or section that is not pressed to many friends.
cheerfully conceded to all the rest. It is well to rememWithout discussing the occurrences which preceded the ber that the chief disorders which have afflicted our nominations, and which are or soon will be well under country have grown out of the violation of State equality, stood by the country, I have only to say that I approved, and that as long as this great principle has been respected