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The marquis of Sligo said, it was, impossible to add such a clause as this, to a bill for restricting payments in specie; as the bank of Ireland could not get those bank of England notes, without paying guineas for them; such a clause would militate against the whole principle of the bill. As to the rate of exchange, it perhaps carried with it its own remedy. The exchange operated, as a tax upon imports, and a bounty upon exports, He admitted the very unfavour, able circumstances in which Ireland now stood; but he hoped, that better prospects would soon appear.

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The earl of Limerick also, disapproved of the clause, which, after a few explanations between lords King and Limerick, was negatived, without a division.

In the house of commons, on the same day, the house resolved itself into a committee, on the clergy bill; and there arose considerable discussion on that clause, which allowed the rector three months leave of absence, in the year: the attorney general thinking this indulgence too long.

The chancellor of the exchequer, on the other hand, said, that was not more than was allowed in every public office or collegiate establishment, for necessary recreation and relaxation. When the statute of Henry VIII, was first passsed,

from the then state of society, there was a more absolute necessity for the constant residence of the clergy, than there is now. The clause was afterwards agreed to, upon a division, and the committee adjourned.

The earl of Moira, on the next day, in moving the committal of the insolvent debtors' bill, in the house of lords, made several preliminary observations, on the situa tion of debtor and creditor; he wished a distinction could be made, between honest and fraudu lent debtors; and that the latter should be punished as swindlers. He considered all those who contracted debts, without a prospect of repaying them, or who, after contracting debts, deprived themselves, by their extravagance, of the means of paying them, as fraudulent debtors. It was only the fair and honest debtors, whom he would wish to relieve. He then stated, that a benevolent institution, in this metropolis, had, in the course of last year, discharged 1125 persons, who were confined for debts not exceeding, on an average 21. 7s. 2d. per head; and those poor prisoners had depending on them, 500 wives, and 1400 children! On the feelings and justice of their creditors, he thought all comment superfluous.

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Lord Ellenborough said, that even that circumstance was only an alloy of evil, attached to a much greater good. The number of 1100 so imprisoned, for small debts, bore no proportion to the multitudes of those who were relieved by credit; and if credit was to be taken away, he would expect to see 100 lings as many people, absolutely starving. He was, in general, no friend to

those

those kind of bills. Many fraudulently entered the prisons, to take the benefit of them.

The lord chancellor, having expressed an opinion similar to that of lord Ellenborough, lord Moira, after a short reply, consented to withdraw the bill for the present session.

The agitation of the public mind at the period to which we have brought down the proceedings of parliament, was great beyond all precedent. The information which might lead to a proper estimate of its real situation, had been constantly denied by ministers to the country; and the indecision and want of firmness which they had shewn on every trying occasion, left little room to hope for an honorable termination of the pending dis cussions with France. The character of our adversary, at once rapacious and subtile, was contrasted with the timid and wavering policy adopted by the British councils, and the most unfavorable conclusions were thence deduced. No circumstance had tended so much to deprive Mr. Addington of that public confidence and esteem, so essential to the very existence of a minister, as his retreat (to say the least of it, not a very honourable one,) from his confident assertion delivered in parliament on the 2d of December of the last year, namely, "that in "case of emergency, fifty sail of the line could be prepared for sea "within one month; and even a larger number, were there an exi"gency sufficiently pressing." When that exigency did occur; two months after the king's message had

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declared the necessity of arming in consequence of the preparations on the coasts of France and Holland; and, that alarm of invasion was universally excited; on being urged in the house of commons, on the state of our naval preparati ons, on the 4th of May; he was obliged to own, we had but thirtytwo ships of the line in commission, (not fit for sea) and, that when he had asserted that we could equip fifty ships ready for sea, he only meant rigged and fitted out, but not manned and ready for ser vice!!! What the real situation of the navy was at the moment here alluded to, it will be the subject of another portion of our history tó state; suffice it, that it was such as to open the eyes of all ranks of peo ple to its gross mal-administration.

Nor did the very strange declara tion of one of the lords of the admi ralty, in parliament, on the same occasion, tend to lessen the inquie tude of the people, respecting the critical situation of the country. Our warlike preparations both na val and military, and the embody. ing of the militia force, had origina ted, as were stated in the usual official communications to the legis lation, on the grounds of the “preparations going on in the ports of France and Holland, and for the repelling a contemplated invasion on the part of France." Much indeed then, were parliament and the country surprized, in the course of the debate, on Sir Henry Mildmay's motion for naval enquiry, to hear from a person whose ministerial functions gave him the most accurate means of information,

that

that "he desired to be understood, "that in all parts of the world, we had a naval force much more "than adequate to cope with the force of any power in Europe; "and, that at home, it was amply "sufficient to meet any French "force; which indeed, consisted of "nothing better than fishing boats, "and existed only in the minds of "a few gentlemen on the other "side of the house!" Thus, in the face of the nation and of all Europe, was made a specific declaration, by a a minister, which left the public to conclude, that the alleged causes of our arming did not exist; and that they were simulated by the king's government, for the purpose of covering the real grounds of our hostile preparation, which were such as would not, or could not be avowed! it is but justice to state, that the same person who had made this extraordinary acknowledgment, † endeavoured by an entire and immediate retractation, to explain it away, and give it the semblance of a mere professional boast; but it was too late, the assertion remained in its full force, and subsequent facts abundantly confirmed the impression it had made.

During the painful and agitating Suspence in which the nation was held pending the negociation with France, one of the most daring and infamous frauds ever attempted to be put into execution, was practised on the public credulity, though not with all the success, with which the 'contrivers of it had flattered themselves. At the moment when the

anxiety of the nation was highest,
on the fifth of May between eight
and nine o'clock in the morning,
a person, habited like a government
messenger, in a travelling dress, and
in vast haste, delivered a letter at
the mansion house, purporting to
have come from the office of lord
Hawkesbury, secretary of state for
foreign affairs, and directed to thể
lord mayor of the city of London.
To it a seal resembling that of
office, was artfully affixed, and his
lordship, having no doubt of the au-
thenticity, lost no time in commu-
nicating its contents to the city
with the usual publicity: they
announced, the joyful intelligence
of an amicable adjustment, of all
matters in dispute between Eng-
land and France, in the usual
forms of official communication.
The news spread with the rapidity
of lightning, throughout all parts of
the city; and the satisfaction and
joy of every class of the people,
were excessive. At the stock ex-
chance, the funds rose above five per
cent; nor was it till nearly three
hours had elapsed, that the whole
was discovered to have been a
fabrication, doubtless for the pur-
pose of taking advantage of the
public delusion, by the sale of
stock either real or fictitious, at the
advaneed prices it had created!
The consternation and confusion
which followed upon the discovery
of the imposition, it is impossible to
describe; business of every kind
was suspended: and the elation it
had inspired, now fell into the
opposite point of dismay and appre-
hension. It is not our object

* Alluding to the bench on which sat what was called the new opposition.
Captain Markham, one of the Lords of the Admiralty.

to

to detail with minuteness, the commercial inconveniences which were the consequences of this impudent fraud; we have here given it insertion, solely as a criterion, by which the bent of the wishes and hopes of the people may be decided upon; how averse they were from war; and as a proof into what complete security the nation had

been lulled by the assurances of ministers, that peace could be maintained on the basis of the treaty of Amiens alone, when it fell so easily and completely into the shallow snare of some interested adventurer, whose contrivance had flattered them into a belief, that it was yet attainable!

CHAP.

CHAP. XI.

Communication by Lord Pelham, to the House of Lords.-Motion for adjournment-Opposed. -Carried on a Division.-To the House of Commons, by Mr. Addington—And similar Motion-Division upon itCarried.-Proceedings in the House of Lords, pursuant to adjourn ment. Further adjournment― And in the Commons.--Bill of Indemnity, for the Export of Corn by the order of Ministers, brought in and carried.-Debate on Lord King's Motion, in the House of Lords, for financial Inquiry.-Able Speech of Lord Grenville.-Observations.Repeated adjournments, in both Houses.-King's Message to Parliament, announcing the Recal of Lord Whitworth.-All hopes of Peace at an end.-Copies of the Correspondence with France, laid before Parliament.-Motion for farther Information, in both Houses-Deferred. -Conversation on Malta-And on the conquered Colonies in the West Indies.-Day appointed to take the King's Message, and the Corres pondence, into consideration, in both Houses.

[N the house of lords, lord Pelham, on the 6th of May, arose, to make an important communication to the house. His majesty had given orders to lord Whitworth, that if he could not, against a certain period, bring the negociations, now pending, to a close, in such case he should immediately quit Paris. General Andreossy, the French ambassador, had also applied for a passport to be ready, to enable him to quit London, as soon as he should be informed of lord Whitworth having left Paris. There were now grounds to suppose his lordship was on his return, and might be soon expected; he therefore proposed adjourning, till Monday next, as he did not expect his arrival the next day (Saturday). Lord Darnley thought, that under Vol. XLV.

such circumstances, it would be improper to adjourn over till Monday; but, that their lordships should continue at their posts; he declared, that he should persist in the motion of which he had given notice for Monday, respecting the state of the nation.

Lord Spencer moved, as an amendment to lord Pelham's motion, that the word "to-morrow" be substituted for Monday.

Lord Carlisle supported the amendment, as he thought it necessary to allay, as speedily as possible, the great anxiety of the public mind.

The lord chancellor, saw no good purpose in meeting to-morrow, as no communication could be expected to be made so soon.

The house divided, on lord
Pelham's

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