Addington's administration with and who from speaking, as well as those who only valued it in proporLion, as they considered it possessing his countenance, as it clearly evinced incipient, if not confirmed hostility; while the masterly display of eloquence, on the part of those who attacked, contrasted with the feeble defence made by ministers, clearly proved the latter depended less on argument than on numbers, and awakened the country to a sense of the dangers to which it was exposed, by having the perilous condition of warfare entrusted to the hands of those, who had found, even in this short interval of peace, too frequent opportunities to expose their incapacity. As specimens of the mode of argument ma se of on those important debes, we have selected and given, at more than our usual length, the masterly speech of earl Temple, and those of Mr. Pitt and lord Hawkesbury, as indicative of the expression of the feelings of the different interests, and the parts which each took upon the subject; and it is but justice to say, that the manly and spirited manner in which the latter rejected the species of compromise, recommended by Mr. Pitt, heretofore his great friend and patron; and his calling on the senate for either direct acquittal or condemnation, gained, as it deserved, considerable respect and applause. The friends of Mr. Fox, in both houses, declined giving any opinion, or dividing on this occasion, with the exception of the person, we have already mentioned, now a minister; and of Mr. Hobhouse, heretofore held up, as equal Jy obnoxious but with infinitely inferior abilities to that gentleman, voting with administration in this hour of trial, was supposed to be, as indeed it afterwards appeared, a convert, upon the same principles, and by proportionate means, to the antigallican opinions and measures of Mr. Addington. Yet, although the old opposition stood aloof, in the present instance, from the new, as the latter had from co-operation with the former, on the motions severally made, by lord King and Mr. Fox, in their respective houses, tending to the disapprobation of the conduct of ministers, (the fate of which we have already seen) there was a similarity of feeling, a spontaneous concurrence of sentiment, which approximated towards a perfect coincidence of public conduct. Mr. Pitt, and his friends, had also taken their ground, if not in declared hostility, at least in the most threat-` ening position. Here then were three parties, confessedly including a vast proportion of the property; the abilities, and the patriotism of the nation, who required but one common principle of action, and a mutual understanding to bear down every thing which could oppose them, and establish such a government as the most enlightened statesman and sanguine politician could hardly, in any contingency, dare to have hoped for, or even imagine. What was here wanting, proved the safety of administration. In' this disunion, Mr. Addington triumphed. And though, as we have already stated, the credit of his administration, and its future existence, were points on which the winds of all, both within and without the walls of parliament, were very generally decided; yet the actual period of its termination, was completely suspended, and he proceeded, in confidence and seurity, to provide for the exi gencies of the war, on systems of defence and finance, sufficiently novel, at least, to cause the strongest difference of opinion in, and a very unusual protraction of, the sexsion of parliament. N 3 CHAP. CHAP. XIV. Secretary at War brings forward the Army Estimates for the year.-Debate.-Opinions of Mr. Windham-Pitt-Addington.-Budget brought forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.-New Taxes,-Objections by Lord Folkestone.-King's message, announcing the commencement of hostilities against the Batavian republic.-Another on the augmentation of the Means of Defence of the Country.-Thanks voted for both.-Army of Reserve Act, brought into the House of Lords, by Lord Hobart.Speeches of the Duke of Clarence-Earl of Caernarvon-SuffolkMoira-Lord Mulgrave-Grenville.—Address of Thanks voted unanimously. The same Measure moved in the Commons, by the Secretary at War. Debate. Mr. Windham-Chancellor of the Exchequer.-Address carried.-Clergy Bill read a second time in the Lords.-Army of Reserve Bill read a second time in the Commons.-Debate.-Mr. Caleraft-Sheridan-Elliot--Yorke-Pitt-Windham-Addington. Bill re-committed.-Debate.-Colonel Crawford-Mr. M'NaughtonWindham-Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Johnston-Hutchinson-Archdall-Lord de Bluquiere.-Bill finally passes the Commons, and after a debate, the Lords.-Remarks. ON the 6th day of June, in the While the militia system weghint house of commons, the secretary at war (Mr. Yorke) brought forward some of the estimates of the army for the year; and stated, that but a small augmentation was intended to be made in the regular force. Mr. Windham disapproved of an idea, which had been held out, of augmenting the army by men raised for rank; he also dwelt with considerable force, on the advantages of employing regular troops in preference to militia: he thought as the French employed regular troops alone, we must employ an army composed of the same materials; it must be "diamond cut diamond." up in its present extent, the regular army could not be kept up; as it was not to be expected men would enlist for life at a small bounty, when they could get a greater one for enlisting for a short term of years if a stronger force was required for the defence of the country, he should prefer something like an arming en masse, to the militia, because that would less interfere with the regular army.-He also disapproved still more of the militia force, as being merely defensive, and not at all disposeable for offensive measures against the enemy. Mr. Pitt seemed to consider the number of militia to bear too great a pro proportion to the whole of our force. A war that should be completely defensive, would, in his opinion, be both dishonorable and ruinous. He wished to establish it as a principle, that "whatever is necessary for the defence or the honour of the country, either in men or money, must be obtained." The chancellor of the exchequer, agreed in this sentiment, and said, that a considerable defensive force was at present necessary, on account of the extensive preparations of the enemy: the time might come when circumstances would point out the necessity of giving the war a more offensive character, and in such a case, he had no doubt, but the population and spirit of the country would furnish the means of supporting it with honor. For the present, he thought it best to direct the attention of the coun try, principally to the means of defence against the vast preparations of the enemy; for this purpose, he relied, not only on the militia, but on the yeomanry and volunteers also, as a subsidiary force, in aid of the regular army. to. The resolutions were then agreed On the 13th of June, the chancellor of the exchequer brought forward the budget: he considered it unnecessary to make many preliminary observations, as the house had already pledged itself to sup-port his majesty in the present war. There were certain war-taxes, which he should propose, that would expire six months after the definitive treaty. He proposed to raise by an increase on the customs, "duties on sugar, exports, cotton, and tonnage, above two millions annu ally, and by new duties on the excise of tea, wine, spirits, and malt, he calculated on six millions more He then presented a plan of a tax upon property and income; the nett produce of which he estimated at 4,700,000l. making in the whole twelve millions,seven hundred thousand pounds annually for war taxes, to expire six months after a peace. Congratulating the country on the terms of the loan, and the steady operation of the sinking fund, he declared the intention of government to carry on the present war with considerable exertions; but with all possible economy.He concluded, by expressing his hope, that the exertions of the present war, would secure the com} plete salvation of this country. When the report was brought up the next day, lord Folkestone took the opportunity of objecting, not to the taxes themselves, but to the proposed application of them, which, to him, appeared to be for carrying on merely a defensive war. Nothing farther occurred in either house worthy our notice, until the 17th, when a message from his majesty was brought up by lord Hawkesbury, to the house, informing them of his majesty having earnestly wished, to respect the neutrality of the Batavian republic; but that he felt himself compelled by the conduct of France (who refused to acknowledge its neutrality) to order letters of marque and reprisal to issue against that power and its subjects. On the 18th, the chancellor of the exchequer, communicated a message from his majesty, acquainting the commons, that for the defence and security of the country, N 4 against against the avowed designs of the enemy, his majesty conceived it necessary, that a large additional force should be forthwith raised and assembled. Addresses of thanks were voted to his majesty for both these messages. On the 20th, lord Hobart, in the house of lords, stated the outline of the plan, which ministers had conceived necessary for increasing the military defence of the country; which was by raising 40,000 men for England, and 10,000 for Ireland, to be officered from the halfpay list, and from the fencible officers, and which was to serve as an army of reserve, to assist the regulars and militia. The men were to be raised by ballot. The duke of Clarence could not approve of the outline which had been so sketched out; he warmly approved of the militia system, but wished that any new force to be raised, should be not merely for defeusive operations, but general service he expressed the fullest confidence in the resources of the country, being sufficient to repel invasion. After making these observations, he concluded by supporting the address. The earl of Caernarvon, coineided with his royal highness, that it would be extreme folly to make a war, which we ourselves had rushed into, a mere defensive war. He condemned the system of ballot, as being, in his opinion, more a species of tax for raising money, than a measure for raising men; and the money levied under it, was raised in a manner more oppressive and objectionable than any other tax, and by no means comparable to the system of rai sing men by bounty. Having dwelt at considerable length upon this topic, his lordship concluded by declaring, that he saw more danger to the country from the hands in which its government was placed, than from the malice and rancour of its ayowed enemies. The earl of Suffolk recommended, as the wisest measure for the military defence of the country, a central army of reserve, under one of our best generals, which should be at all times ready to proceed rapidly to whatever district should be attacked. The earl of Moira declared, that in the defence of the country he should draw his sword with equal pleasure, as a private yeoman, as if he had been honored with the command of an army. He did not wish to oppose any plan that ministers might think necessary for the defence of the country, on the contrary, he thought no time should be lost for discussing and adopting measures for increasing the military force of the country. He must, however, agree with the noble lords, who had already spoken, in recommending offensive rather than defensive war. He lamented much the present state of Europe, when the nations who were formerly friendly and disposed to an alliance with us, were now crushed by the power of France, and compelled to become our enemies. A mere defensive war, he must repeat, was absolute defeat and ruin, and the greatest burgler that ever handled a foil would certainly, at some time or another hit the best swordsman who should stand entirely on the defensive. His Lordship then in a strain of most animated and im pressive |