N the 24th of November, the report of the address having been brought up by Mr. Trench, and the question being put on the second reading,

Mr. Wilberforce rose to deliver his sentiments. The address seemed to him to hold out that language which was proper for the house to maintain He thought the country had been hitherto rather too forward in entering into war and continental connexions, in which it had often engaged itself to an extent that it certainly had not foreseen, and which had wasted much of our blood and treasure, without producing any adequate advantage: but he never did say that continental connections were at all times, and under all circumstances, to be avoided. It was certainly desirable to prevent France extending her power by land as well as by sea; but then, in attending to this principle, we must consider expediency, as well as the speculations of statesHow had the speculations of the wisest been turned into foolishness? The profoundest politicians had overlooked what men of the plainest and meanest capacities bad foreseen. He could not but

men.

remember the splendid and eloquent speech of his noble friend, (Lord Hawkesbury) which, though replete with knowledge, and displaying the profoundest political combinations, only shewed the weakness of political speculation, and how one disastrous event could overturn the foundation of the best reasonings. The quantity of treasure vainly expended in the last war, would better have been employed in the improvement, than in the destruction of mankind. At the conclusion of the treaty of Utrecht, a single accident changed the whole complexion of political affairs, and produced a peace for thirty years. If he had said to his constituents "that the people of this country were too honest for continental connexions," what he meant by the expression was, that we were always faithful to our engagements, whereas we were as generally forsaken by our allies. The principle of the continental powers seemed to be, to pay no attention to political engagements, longer than it suited their convenience, Every court in Europe had at different times belonged to the late confederacy against France, and yet they had all found means to

get

get out of it, and leave this country alone. The court of Vienna, as well as the rest, quitted us in the year 1797, without giving us any intimation of what they were meditating, and without shewing more fidelity than the others. In the affair of the German indemnities, no regard was paid to any engagements with us. He then proceeded to observe the probable effects of a new confederacy:-Austria or Ru sia might be bought off by France giving to then a part of Turkey He recalled to the recollection of the house the partition of Poland, and if Turkey had not yet shared the same fate, it was because that hitherto it was not the interest of France that it should. In reply to Mr. Windham, he asked what were we now to expect by war? (A cry of hear, hear, from Mr. Fox.) In the last war we had taken every thing which was takeable, and were content to give them up: we should not gain much by taking them over again. In a free country there was a consideration more important than revenue, than resources, than armies or navies; and that was, that the government should possess the hearts of the people, (hear, hear.) If government were to hurry the people into a war, without a most substantial cause; instead of their affections they would merit their execration. He concluded by expressing his opinion, that if we carefully improved our resources, and cultivated the affections of the people at large, we had nothing to fear from the unwieldy power of France; and that the best way of producing the dissolution of that mighty power was to leave it to itself.

Gen. Gascoyne supported the address, and hoped that the language and spirit shewn in this debate would shew the feelings of the country, and deter the first consul from the prosecution of his designs.

Mr. Elliot declared he was so unused to speak in that house, that nothing but his strong feeling of the situation of the country could overcome his personal embarassment. He thought it was necessary that the house and the country should thoroughly be acquainted with the dangers which threaten, in order that all precautions which human prudence could suggest, might be taken to avert the evil, and that we might meet it with becoming firm

ness.

Experience had shewn us that France in time of peace could conquer, as well as in war. States had fallen, and even the Germanic empire had been overturned in time of acknowledged and profound peace. A new revolution had taken place in Europe, by the dissolution of that august body, which was full of political and moral evil. When we saw property, titles, and honours overthrown; when we saw corporations, both spiritual and civil, destroyed; sovereign princes transferred from one, dominion to another; and subjects separated from their legitimate,quieis; could we witness these scenes, without feeling that all the opinions, nabits, principles, and prejudices, which constitute the foundation of civil government and social order, were shaken to their basis? This was all done by France, in contederation with Russia and Prussia, without any communication with our court, or with Austria, the acknowledged head of the empire.

The records of tyranny had furnished no instance of a more foul, flagrant, and unprovoked aggression on the rights and liberties of a brave, innocent, and injured people, than the conduct of France towards Switzerland exhibited. Switzerland was principally important to Europe, as being the barrier to Germany; but we suffered Germany to be partitioned, and then we feebly interposed for Switzerland. The power of France increased with accumulated rapidity, but her principles remained the same, as did her system of fraud, violence, and insult. Had we forgot that while our ambassador was at Amiens, she had siezed the most flourishing portions of Italy? Did they remember how they had been imposed upon with respect to the limits of Portugueze Guiana? How we had been deceived about the isle of Elba, and the trick which had been practised on the Turkish minister at Paris? The peace was allowed to be only an experiment, and yet ministers acted as if the experiment had succeeded: they reduced our armies and our flects, without waiting to see whether France was pacific in her dispositions or not. He then alluded to the conduct of the French Government in the instance of Napper Tandy, and in countenancing a new English paper in Paris, (the Argus) directly levelled against the British government. As to the prosperity of our commerce, notwithstanding the prohibitions of France, although it was true we might carry on a considerable contraband trade, yet that must be done in neutral vessels, which would hurt considerably our shipping interest. In this com

If

mercial rivality, much had been said of British capital and credit, and perhaps not enough of French power and energy. The same causes which had rendered France so formidable in war, would have the same influence when directed to the enterprizes of commerce. gentlemen relied on our surplus, four millions; he could say, France had four hundred thousand bayonets. "The armed robber is at the door, and if not well resisted, the richer we are, the better for the robber." He concluded a long and very able speech, by expressing his opinion, that if we were now obliged again to go to war, it would not be for our honor, or for any of those interests which form a legitimate cause of war; but it would be for the existence of the empire itself, and he hoped that from the spirit of the people, we might look forward to a favourable result.

Sir Francis Burdett allowed that France now presented a spectacle which England could not look on without dismay, but he thought it extraordinary that a right hon. gentleman yesterday should have pointed out, with an air of triumph, those dangers into which he himself had conducted us, in conjunction with his colleagues in office. It is an extraordinary course he recommends for avoiding those dangers, to put ourselves again under the guidance of those men who brought us before into danger, and to pursue the same measures which have produced this effect. The power of France is formidable, but it is owing to the war, and the mode it was conducted, that she has been placed in that situation. When the combined despots of

Europe

Europe pressed upon her on every side, no alternative remained but victory or unconditional submission, and therefore she was obliged to make exertions beyond what human power would have been supposed capable of. He only objected to two expressions in the address. One appeared as if we were watching for another opportunity to interfere in the affairs of the continent, which would, in his opinion, be most unwise, if we really intended it, and idle vapouring, if we did not intend it. He also objected to that which had been stated respecting what ministers called the union with Ireland, but which he rather thought should be called subjugation; the only effect that resulted immediately from it was, the rein forcing the ministerial phalanx, which was before too strong. As to what an hon. gentleman had said about jacobins, the word jacobin had been so universally employed, that he really was at a loss to understand the meaning of it, or to know who was a jacobin. Another hon. gentleman had seemed to think that the safety of the state depended on the return of another right hon. gentleman into office. For his part, he thought that gentleman's character was described in the passage; "Satis eloquentiæ, sapientiæ parum," A little less eloquence, and a little more wisdom, would have spared the state many misfortunes.

Mr. Johnstone, in supporting the address, approved of the conduct of ministers, whom he was very sorry to see deserted by their former friends, while they were opposed by such formidable abilities. It was most evident that endeavours

were making to remove them from office. He concluded by recommending moderation and patience, rather than precipitancy and rashness; and quoted an opinion of Machiavel, "that there are evils which are more easily removed by time than violence."

Earl Temple severely animadverted on that part of the hon. baronet's speech, in which the present power of France was ascribed to a combination of despots. While those despots acted with this country, they were the objects of the hon. baronet's spleen and invective, but now that the despotism of Europe is united in one hand, and directed against this country, it was no longer the subject of his invectives. He must most flatly deny the imputation, that "he and his friends would prefer war at any rate, before peace upon any terms." They only wished to open the eyes of the people, to shew them how their dignity suffered; how their interests were impaired, and how impossible it was to look for safety in war, or security in peace, under an administration like the present. Instead of being able to secure us from the impending storm, they would serve as conductors (though blunt ones) to draw down the lightenings which were to consume us. He considered the address as a mawkish mixture of pretended firmness and conciliation. As far as it thanks heaven for the abundant harvest, it should have his cordial concurrence."

General Maitland said, there never was a time when our military establishments were on so high a footing as at present. He was not afraid of our commerce being

destroyed by the tyrannical power of Bonaparte. On the contrary, he thought commerce could only flourish in a free country, and the effects of the tyrannical government of France would be only to crush it in that country. He could not approve of a renewal of the war, being convinced that France would do as it had done before, and make some neighbouring state pay for all the losses she might sustain in a contest with this country.

The secretary of war (Mr. Yorke) expressed astonishment that any gentleman should say we had no army, and had laid aside our navy; when, in fact, we had a greater efficient force than we ever possessed in peace, or even for many years of the last war. The diminution is only of the militia and of several corps who were enlisted only to serve during the war. Our army was not only respectable in numbers, but its discipline and organization were such as would enable it to be rapidly increased, to a point that would make it not very desirable to any foreign force to meddle with it. He was very glad to hear a noble lord (lord Temple) avow in a manly way, that the object of his friends was to obtain a change of the administration, and that they thought they would make better ministers than the present. If they should succeed, if their administration was not a mawkish one, it would probably not be without a considerable share of insolence. The present ministers came into power without cabal or intrigue; it must be acknowledged that they had given peace to the country, and that it had suffered no calamity at their hands.

Mr. Fox had heard, with lively satisfaction, the warm eloquence of the youthful lord, he had heard with pleasure the avowal of the object, and conclusion of his arguments; and now found that all the imagery which had adorned the speeches of the noble lord and his friends, went only to a change of ministry, by substituting a part of the late administration for the present. That being the case, if those gentlemen were restored to office, the only consequence he expected from it would be, that we should get rid of all their warlike speeches. As to the gentlemen who now are ministers, if they have drawn a gloomy picture of the country, for the purpose of arming beyond what was necessary, he considered such lavish and wanton profusion of the resources of the country, as great a crime as ministers could well be guilty of, and such as would justify their removal; but it would be too much to join the noble lord, who merely found fault with the administration as a mawkish one, and wished for another. Although he had hitherto supported the present ministers from their conduct, he was by no means disposed to approve of the manner in which they came into office. The late ministers assigned a certain principie as the cause of their removal. It the present ministers came in upon a contrary principle, and to prevent the extension of their rights to a great portion of his majesty's subjects, he could by no means approve of their manner of coming into office. As to the supposition of a right hon. gentleman (Mr.Windham), on a former night, of a man rising from the dead, and

inquiring