caution and activity were equally conspicuous in their measures. Early aware of the conspiracy, they watched its progress with unceasing solicitude, through all its windings and ramifications: at the moment when the designs of the traitors were ripe for execution, they dragged them and their nefarious project into light; and at once, crushed principal, abettor, and treason, by the strong arm of the law: thus raising a rampart about the person of our beloved monarch, and placing him and the constitution, far beyond the reach of the sacrilegious hands, by which they were attempted to be violated. Addresses from both branches of the legislation, from the clergy, the laity, and the corporate bodies of the kingdom, poured in upon the govereign on this joyful occasion;

gratitude to providence for his escape from the hands of the traitors; and the attachment and personal affection of his subjects, equally beamed forth in these manifestations of loyalty and perhaps there had hitherto occurred, no period in which mutual happiness and satisfaction, were so strongly evinced, as upon this occasion, both by king and subject. Nor were there wanting, those dutiful acknowledgments to the supreme being, under whose guidance and protection, the empire had escaped those evils which had impended over it: thanksgivings were offered up, in all places of public worship throughout the united kingdom; and forms of prayer were composed for the occasion, at once expressive of the purest gratitude, the most touching piety, and the greatest moderation.

CHAP.

would feel, that he had a constitutional share, in the splendor and dignity of the heir apparent of the British crown. He was convinced, that every member must feel rejoiced, at the means having been found to restore his royal highness, to the dignity and splendor of his high state. In 1795, a message was delivered to the house from his majesty, for an extension of the prince of Wales's establishment. At that time the house had thought the revenues of the duchy of Cornwall, £13,000 annually, together with £60,000 annually from his income, should be applied to the liquidation of his debts, which then amounted to £650,000. The result was, that £563,895 of the debts had been now paid off; and that by July, 1800, the whole would be liquidated. The prince had now, for eight years, borne this diminution of his income, and it was time to restore him to the situation in which he would have been, if it was not for the arrangements made in 1795, for the payment of his debts. The object of his proposition was, 66 to enable his majesty to grant to the prince of Wales the sum of £60,000 annually." His royal highness, in the year 1795, had £138,000 annually, which, considering the increase of price in every thing, was not as much in proportion as £90,000, which was the establishment for the prince of Wales, above ninety years ago. He did not mean to propose a grant of any thing more to the prince of Wales, than what had been settled eight years back; he only wished him to enjoy the income that parlia ment had already thought proper for the heir apparent, freed from that diminution, which was occa

sioned by the arrangement for the payment of his debts. It was not to be forgotten, that he was heir apparent to the greatest crown in the universe. He then moved, that "it is the opinion of this committee, that his majesty be enabled to grant yearly, any sum or sums of money, out of the consolidated fund of Great Britain, not exceed ing in the whole £60,000, being to be computed from the 5th of January 1803, and to continue until the 5th of July 1806, towards providing for the better support and dignity of the prince of Wales."

In answer to a question from Mr. Harrison,

The chancellor of the exchequer again stated, that £563,895 had been paid off, of the prince's debts, and that there remained a round sum of £235,754 to discharge.

The solicitor general, (Mr Manners Sutton) began with stating, that although no longer in the service of his royal highness, he still was honored with his confidence ; and could express in his name, that he felt the most sincere gratitude to his majesty, for the interest he had been pleased to take, with regard to his situation; and that he submitted with cheerfulness, to the wisdom and justice of the house. It was the object of the prince, to shew in all instances, his sincere respect and duty to his country, and rather than at all diminish the harmony which should subsist between him and his royal father, he was content to forego every claim of right, which must lead to a contest, that whether successful or not, must be to him,

a

source of the deepest regret. For his own part, he had no hesita tion as a lawyer, in maintaining,

that

that the claims of his royal highness were too firmly established, to be shaken by any opinions, that could be brought against them; and therefore, he could not but admire, the delicate and dignified conduct of the prince, in thus foregoing those claims. There certainly had been no compromise, nor any thing resembling it; the intimation of the present measure, came upon his royal highness unexpectedly, and no terms were attempted to be imposed upon him. He repeated the statement that he had formerly made, that whatever were the expences, incurred by his royal highness, they had not fallen upon the public. In order to be convinced of that, it would be only sufficient to compare the present with former times; and the actual situation of his royal highness, with that of his illustrious predecessors. He concluded, by declaring he should vote for the resolution proposed.

Sir Ralph Milbank said, that it was notorious, that the prince had lived in a state of comparative ob→ scurity, for the last eight years, and that it was time to restore him to that state and splendor, which became his exalted rank.

Mr. Harrison objected to the manner of granting this annuity, as a boon to his royal highness, when it was clear, that he was a creditor to the public, for more than the amount of his outstanding debts. The solicitor general had informed them, that legal opinions were agreed upon that subject. Although for his part, he did not think the dignity of monarchy depended upon its trappings, yet when he saw splendor in every corner of the

court, and in all its appendages, he saw no reason, why the prince of Wales should be the only person from whom it was withheld.

Lord Castlereagh was of opinion last year, when this matter was first suggested, that the time was come, for restoring the prince to the full dignity and comforts, which became his rank; but as the claims of the prince then came forward in a more legal shape, it was necessary to await a legal decision. He perfectly approved however, of the feeling which dictated that course, namely, that the prince wished rather that his debts should be paid out of his own means, than that he should appear burthensome to the public.

Mr. Sheridan said, he preferred so much, the character of his royal highness, to his comforts, that if this was to be represented to the public, as a boon to the prince (who had come down to parliament a third time for payment of his debts,) that he was not prepared to say, that he should support it. The fact was this, the prince had in the course of last session, applied for the restoration of his RIGHT, not on his own account, but for the sake of his creditors: there was a long discussion both historical and political, on his claims, but the house resolved they could do nothing in it. A petition of right was then proceeded upon, but suddenly the proceedings were stopped, and this message came down to the house. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Addington) objected to the word compromise, but it was because he considered it a fair and honorable compromise, that he supported it. As to the petition of right, it would have been very doubtful,

doubtful, when it could have been decided. The "glorious uncertainty of the law," was a thing well known and complained of, by all ignorant people, but all learned gentlemen considered it, as its greatest excellency. He therefore thought this was a fair and honorable compromise; but he wished the house to bear in their minds, that his royal highness considered himself in honor and in justice, bound to pay his creditors, the £10 per cent. which the commissioners had reduced of their demands; and until that was done, his royal highness could not resume conscientiously, nor in honor, his state and dignity.

The chancellor of the exchequer, explained this circumstance in the following manner: For all the debts which were fairly and justly due, there were given to the creditors, who were at liberty to accept them at their option, debentures of £100, bearing 3 per cent. interest, or £90, bearing 5 per cent.; those who preferred the £90, could not be said to have their debt reduced, as by law, no interest at all was due on debts,which were merely book debts. He was very glad that this measure would silence for ever the petition of right. Although legal opinions had said, that he was entitled to an account of the revenues of Cornwall, none had said that in that account, no allowances were to be made for money expended for his use; but at all events, if there were a legal judgment, the fund was gone on which it was to be a lien; and if the prince should be obliged at length, to come to parliament, for its equitable interpretation of the judginent, it would

let in an account, between the public and the prince, which it was much better not to go into. He concluded, by maintaining, that there had been no deduction made from the debts of the creditors.

Mr. Sheridan, and the chancellor of the exchequer, mutually explained.

In

Mr. Fox said, that as he conceived the account closed between the prince and the public in 1795, he thought it was improper to allude to what had passed in 1787. 1795, there were some persons who thought £125,000 per annum, was too great an income, to be allowed a prince of Wales; but he was not of that number. The chancellor of exchequer, in arguing that there had not been a reduction of £10 per cent. made by the commissioners in the prince's debts, said that book debts bore no interest; that was true, as long as they were book debts; but from the time you pretend to pay them,and give securities, then these securities always do bear interest, and therefore giving a security for £90, for a debt of £100, was most clearly a diminution of £10 per cent. As to the claims with respect to the duchy of Cornwall, the only way he thought, they could enter into the present question, was, that in addition to the consideration, that the prince had for eight years submitted to great privations and restraints, other reasons have occurred, which strengthened his claims on the generosity of the nation. In that point of view only, he considered the sacrifice of the Cornwall claims, applicable to the present question. He concluded, by observing the prince had now shown himself

worthy