sistance to any new force that may be sent from Spain; they will then adopt the only and dreadful alternative left them, viz. To declare the whole of the slaves of Venezuela free, and to enjoy the same rights as the whites.-If ever Bolivar resort to this measure, not a negro or coloured person will remain under the banners of Ferdinand VII. because, in general, they are attached to their Creole masters, and under them, would consider themselves much more secure in their freedom, than all the proclamations or offers to the same effect, from the Spanish government or its agents.-These are important and serious facts, which demand the immediate attention of those who are entrusted with the British military and naval commands, in these seas.-It is not, now, a question of interference, between the royalists and independents on the Spanish main.It is, simply, whether we shall passively look on, and see the death blow given to every colonial possession in the West Indies, as nothing can be more palpable, than that if the revolt of the slaves in Venezuela, becomes general; it will take but a few years, to decide the fate of these islands, or whether a prompt interference, at this moment, will not be the means, to arrest this system of destruction to British

interests.

I have no hesitation in saying, that a prompt and decided interference on the part of His Britannic Majesty's military and naval chiefs, in these seas, would produce the desired effect. I am perfectly aware, that the British government, has expressly prohibited all interference, that is, the sword is not to be unsheathed in favour of either party, but it is not to be inferred, that a desire to be neutral, is to supercede the exercise of good offices in favour of humanity, or to be extended so far, as to quietly wait, until the flames of discord and in. surrection, reach our own doors.

Exclusive of imperious political reasons, for the interference of the British commanders in chief, there are other grounds which

strongly urge it.-There is, at this momehf, at least half a million of dollars of British property, at Caracas and La Guayra, and likewise, a considerable number of British subjects, who went to that country for commercial purposes, with the knowledge and consent of the British government. They consequently flatter themselves, with its protection to extricate themselves and property, from the perilous state they are at present in, because there is no doubt in my mind, that if Boves and Rosette were to succeed in getting into Caracas, or if a local insurrection takes place among the slaves in the cities of La Guayra and Caracas, not a single white person, either Creole or stranger, would escape assassination, and every farthing of property, of course, would be plundered.

If Venezuela becomes a permanent theatre of insurrection, and a consequent asylum for the Negroes of these islands, the first and almost immediate effects of such a state of things, will be experienced at Tobago, Trinidad, Grenada, and every island in the vicinage of the main. It will be likewise spread, with electric rapidity, down to Cartagena and Porto Bello, converting this beautiful section of the globe, into a wide scene of devastation and disorder, in place of its continuing, as it has been (and may hereafter be much more so) a vast and indefinite market for British trade, and for the consumption of British manufactures. Another (and surely not the least) serious motive to urge a prompt interference, is the voice of suffering humanity.

Among the tragic scenes lately committed at Venezuela, has been the murder, in cold blood, of several hundred Creoles by the Spanish chiefs at Porto Cabello, and about 1300 European Spaniards, by order, ('tis said) of Bolivar. It is also equally unnecessary, as it is painful to enquire who began this dreadful system of retaliatory vengeance. Both parties, will of course, endeavour to extenuate the horror of the deed, but no arguments or spirit of recrimination, can justify the excesses they have both committed. It will, however, be seen from the

preceding narrative, that Bolivar exerted himself in due season, to prevent a resort to this unheard of method of reprisal, but I should be doing him injustice to omit stating, the following im portant facts. Some time in January last, Bolivar made another effort to obtain the release of some Creole officers, who were prisoners at Puerto Cavello, and for this purpose, he sent an European Spanish officer, whom he had made a prisoner some time before, with a flag of truce to Puerto Cavello. This officer, advanced from Bolivar's lines to the out posts of Puerto Cavello, and although he then entreated to be permitted to proceed, stating that his own life was at stake on the result of his mission, still he was ordered to halt, until a few minutes afterwards, brought the decision of the commander of the royal forces, at Puerto Cavello (a certain Istuella, who it appears had taken the command, in consequence of Colonel Salomon having decamped) which was a refusal to admit the flag of truce, and a most insulting verbal message to Bolivar.

The next day, presented the melancholy spectacle, of four Creole officers being brought out on the ramparts of Puerto Cavello, and there, in the view of Bolivar and his army, they were shot.

The commander of the Royalists, not satisfied with the deliberate murder of these four officers, officially communicated their names, assigning their execution to be a measure of retali ation, and which he intended to follow up, by the death of every Creole in his possession.

About the time that Bolivar received this official commu. nication, he likewise was informed of the advance of Boves and Rosette, at the head as before observed, of 7 to 8000 negroes, and committing the excesses previously mentioned.

At this time, there were 13 to 1400 European Spaniards in the prisons of Caracas and La Guayra.

Bolivar ('tis said) adopted the resolution to sacrifice the whole of these unfortunate individuals, and sent the necessary

orders to that effect, to Caracas and La Guayra. These orders were carried into such literal and prompt execution, that not more than 25 or 30 European Spaniards were spared, and these hold a precarious and miserable existence.

The writer of this, unfortunately with many other foreigners, had occular proof of the slaughter of more than 800 victims at La Guayra; they were conducted in pairs from the dungeons, to a little distance from the gates of the town, and there shot, after which, their bodies were burnt. Many perished by suffocation, as a few days previous to the execution, we saw 40 to 50 dead bodies taken out of the dungeons each day. Thus has terminated, for the present, in Venezuela, this scene of deliberate reciprocal revenge, because it is to be presumed, that as few or noprisoners remain now on either side, none will be made in future, as a war of extermination is reciprocally proclaimed on both sides-it therefore follows from this statement.

1st. That the violation of the treaty between Monteverde and Miranda, is the origin of all the present disasters of Venezuela, and as the Cortes and Regency of Spain, have directly approved the perfidy of Monteverde, by solemnly making him captain general of the province, after they knew he had so shamefully violated the treaty in question; consequently, it is never to be expected, that the natives will ever again trust their lives and property to Spanish faith.

2ndly. As the natives are resolved to adopt any alternative, no matter however dreadful, rather than submit to Spain, it becomes the duty and certainly the policy of Great Britain, to prevent such an alternative taking place, as would involve in general ruin, (and at no distant period) the whole of the West Indies.

3d. Whether the Negroes are incited to insurrection, under the banners of Ferdinand VII; or are proclaimed free by Bolivar, the effects will be equally the same to Spain. To her the province of Venezuela is lost for ever, and if Spain is desirous to

retain any of her remaining possessions in South America, she ought to feel grateful to Great Britain, if, by any means whatever, she can arrest the destructive flame, before it spread so far, as to render all future attempts impotent and abortive.

4th, and lastly. The commercial and manufacturing interests of Great Britain, as well as the interests of the civilized world in general, are deeply involved in the fate of South America, and whether it shall become the seat of discord and devastation or of tranquillity and prosperity, may depend on the measures, ad interim, adopted by the British and military chiefs in these seas, and ultimately pursued by the British ministry.

With the same frankness and impartiality, which I have endeavoured to keep in view in the foregoing detail, I shall conclude, by stating such measures as I can conceive would be effectual, to check the present alarming state of things in Venezuela, and likewise afford time for such future determination, as the British cabinet may find necessary to resolve on.

1st. That a person or persons should be immediately dispatched to Caracas, by the British commander in chief, to enquire into the facts I have stated, and if it should be found, that my conclusions are correct, as to the alarming nature of the evils I have suggested, then such persons should be authorised to request, and indeed to require of both parties, a suspension of hostilities, until the determination of the British and Spanish governments, should be ascertained.

2d. Whether the previous point is refused or acceeded to by the parties, there should, at all events, be a maritime force sent to La Guayra, with orders to remove the persons and property of the British subjects from the country.

I feel persuaded (and I speak from a personal knowledge of the character and disposition of all the leading natives of the country) that on the part of the present goverment of Caracas, and the people in general, they will cheerfully assent to a suspension of hostilities, and submit their fate to the ulteriour decision