proportion of consumers, there is a more effectual mode: force the manufacturers to break in pieces all their machinery of modern invention and resort to the primitive modes of spinning and weaving. They would then require five hands, probably ten, for every one now employed, and thus make a most important addition to the number of consumers. But, says the tariff advocate, "that would greatly increase the price of goods.' Very well; is not that the very end at which you aim by a protective tariff? "Aye; but it would increase the cost of manufacturing them.” Ah, that explains your real motive. You want to increase the price of goods without increasing the cost of manufacturing them and thereby add to your profits. While you talk of giving employment to laborers, increasing the number of consumers, making a home market for farmers, etc., etc., you are constantly introducing machines of iron, brass, and wood, which neither eat nor drink, to perform the work of men and women who do, and sending back your operatives to the occupations whence they came, or, as in England, turning them out to steal or starve! Yet you call on the farmers and others to pay an enormous tax to raise prices and make your machine labor profitable, to "protect" things of iron, brass, and wood from competition with the "pauper labor" of Europe!

These are

What is the fact? Has the building up of Lowell or Nashua increased the prices of the farmer's wheat or corn in Ohio, Indiana, or Illinois? Every man knows better. Has it increased the prices of the farmer's corn and rye raised in their very neighborhood? Every farmer fifty years old, who lives there, knows better. He knows that their prices, thirty or forty years ago, were higher than they are now. Southern and Western corn and flour have been brought, by means of these very manufacturing establishments, into competition with those of the New England farmer, at his own door, reducing prices there without increasing them in the regions whence the new supplies come. notorious facts, the strongest of arguments. To think of increasing the prices of Western produce by building up manufactures and thus increasing the number of domestic consumers, is as idle as to think of affecting the volume of the Mississippi above or below by throwing the water over the levee at New Orleans with a bucket. The production of that teeming region is too vast to be affected by an operation so minute. The Mississippi must have an ocean to receive the waters of its innumerable fountains, and its valley must have a world for a market. To create a home market for its productions in New England or elsewhere by legislation, is just about as ludicrous an operation as digging a home reservoir to receive the waters of its mighty rivers.

As a man of the West we say to the general government, clear out our rivers, protect us from piracy and war on the ocean, and give us the world

for a market.

Do this, and in half a century we will show you results never surpassed in earthly beauty and productiveness since God planted the first garden among the four rivers of Eden.

Not a Sectional Question.

In the former discussions of the tariff, it was generally treated as exclusively injurious to the South and beneficial to the North. This was a mischievous error. That the system is more injurious to the North than the South will be obvious on a moment's reflection.

The amount of tax paid by the people of every section is in proportion to their consumption of the taxed articles. Of these, the laborers of the South, being chiefly negro slaves, consume very little compared with the laborers of the North, who are chiefly white freemen. The consumption of those who are called the higher classes in the North and South, is probably about equal. But taking the whole population to gether, there can be little doubt that the consumption of the North, compared with the whole number of souls, is at least three times as great as that of the South. Upon the small farmer who tills the ground he owns, it falls with manifold heavier weight in proportion to his means than it does upon the Southern planter with his hundred slaves. Indeed, its practical tendency is to throw the property of the North into the hands of a few, as that of the South now is, and make the mass of the white population work for them with as little practical benefit to themselves as the black slaves receive from their masters. There are some features in Southern slavery which are humanity itself compared with the factory system carried to its perfection as in England. The master is obliged to provide for and support his slaves in sickness and old age, and under all other circumstances, whether their labor be valuable or not. The factory laborers, after working for a mere subsistence when in health, are uniformly turned adrift to provide for themselves when sick and old, as well as when their labor is no longer profitable to their masters. The tendency of the protective system in this country is to make the whole population contribute to the wealth of the factory owners, a portion of them by laboring in the factories, and another portion by tilling the soil and carrying on other business out of the factories, the profits of which are taken from them by protective tariffs and other taxes.

The difference between the North and the South is, that the recipients of these taxes, with some exceptions, live in the North. It is, therefore, to some extent, the transfer of wealth from one section to another. But is it any relief to the taxed farmer or mechanic of the North to see his income, in common with that of the Southern planter,

taken from him to build up an aristocracy of which he is practically to be made the slave?

The farmers and other classes in the Middle and Western States are affected by this system in the same manner as in the North. Upon the farmers of the West, however, it falls with additional weight. The farther imported goods are carried from the place of importation, the more hands they pass through, as a general rule, and the more is the tariff tax increased by the merchants' and dealers' profits thus accumulating. With these arguments and facts, enabling every reader, we trust, to understand the subject of tariff taxation, and form some opinion of the amount he pays under the existing system, we must close this article. In "Kendall's Expositor" we shall give further illustrations of the effect of the tariff, from time to time, as we can obtain the information necessary to unravel its intricacies.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE first number of the "Expositor" in 1843 appeared with a new heading, containing a picture of a pair of scales so nearly balanced as to require careful scrutiny to detect any deviation. The following extract is from the leading article on

NEW THINGS.

Our new head presents itself to the reader. The scales are emblematic of Justice. We adopt them as indicating our intentions towards all our fellow-men. By making them a little one-sided, our artist may have meant to intimate that the human mind is incapable of being perfectly just under all circumstances. If our bias shall be no greater than he has given to our emblem, we shall come nearer to the eternal rule of right than falls to the lot of most men, however pure their intentions.

We omit the sword of Justice. To hold the balance is the utmost of our ambition; execution we leave to others. We purpose weighing arguments with all practicable impartiality, and then submitting each case to the people, whose province it is to give judgment and order execution. Justice is Truth, and Democracy is Truth and Justice. To this cause we devote ourselves, believing it to be the cause of our country and our kind.

Our new volume opens with this number. The principles which will be recorded in it our readers already know. The arguments and facts by which we shall defend them remain to be developed. Our utmost talent and zeal are pledged to make our discussions instructive and interesting. What old Time may have to disclose for this year's record rests in the Almighty Mind. We have faith that whatever may happen to men or nations, the cause of human intelligence, human rights, and human virtues will be permitted to advance with accelerated speed.

The new year is already in progress. It is not too late, however, to wish our subscribers all sorts of happiness.

If Congress will be content to let currency and private business alone, modify the tariff so as to make it just, reduce the public expenditures, and take care to place the public credit beyond hazard or doubt, dismissing all thought of establishing banks, exchequers, or any other institu

tion with the view of giving an unnatural expansion to the circulating medium, the people may hope for good times at no distant day. Industry and economy they have already learned, and the surplus products of their labor will soon bring them a wholesome currency in abundance, if Congress or the State legislatures do not corrupt it by their tampering. Their most earnest petition, prayer, and protestation to their rulers should be to let them alone in that respect, to preserve the public peace and the public faith, to protect them by general laws against violence and fraud, leaving them to their own means to accumulate wealth and raise themselves and families in the estimation of their fellow-men.

nations.

On the whole, the year 1843 opens upon us under favorable auspices. Rapidly advancing in the knowledge that government cannot make the people rich, but may make them poor, our countrymen are beginning in every section to demand that their governments shall content themselves with protecting their persons and property, leaving them to direct their labor and capital as they please, within the moral law; getting rich or remaining poor as may result from their own management or fortune, under the dispensations of Him who controls the destinies of men and Be it ours to inculcate reliance on themselves for relief and prosperity, and not on legislative acts which, in matters of general policy, can relieve one only at the expense of another, and can be generous only by being unjust. Confined to the prison bounds as we are, and to the prison walls as we may be, we shall rejoice in the advancement of our countrymen without, not only in their private fortunes, but in right modes of thinking; which will, in process of time, put an end to such wrongs as we suffer, and most others that flow from human government.

In February, 1843, Mr. Kendall announced his intention to publish the Life of General Jackson, as follows:

LIFE OF GENERAL JACKSON.

Amos Kendall proposes to publish, in fifteen or more numbers, a Life of General Andrew Jackson, embracing the substance of all that has heretofore appeared in connection with the services of this distinguished man, together with many interesting incidents not noticed by his former biographers, and a complete history of his administration, concluding with an account of the manner in which, retired from the bustle of the world, he is quietly preparing to bid adieu to the scene of his glory.

This task has been undertaken with the approbation of General Jackson himself, who has kindly put into the author's hands his books and papers, public and private, and on obscure points favored him with his own recollections. With these materials, with the works already pub