IMPORT DUTIES REDUCED TO PER-CENTAGE AD VALOREM.

(TAKEN FROM THE TARIFFS OF ALL COUNTRIES, COLLECTED AND PUBLISHED IN 1852 BY THE PRUSSIAN GOVERNMENT.)

the tardy movements of those emcated by the Prussian Government; from documents, officially authentigive us, "a compendium of the refer to any other oracle. Mr NewEconomist, it was not necessary to not nearly completed, a compendium years in collecting, and have as yet this country, who have been five ployed by the official departments of and thus by some years anticipate foreign tariffs, translated into English degate, however, promises shortly to

increase and prosperity of British send us so much corn, take in the which our Continental neighbours, who Mr Newdegate's Appendix, which those who wish to know the effects lication will supply a great blank. will serve to illustrate the interest a principle, we subjoin a table from of the abandonment of reciprocity as In the mean time, for the benefit of the English language." This pubof the tariffs of foreign countries in

manufactures.

The Double Figures in some of the columns denote the Differential Duties maintained in favour of the ships

of the countries imposing them.

311%

7

51% 718 28 1318 331 361

Free 15

Prohibited

31

Ditto

35

501

211

40 to 50

60

The perusal of this table is very suggestive, for it clearly shows that, by pursuing Free Trade, we have failed in gaining increased access for our manufactures to the markets of the civilised world. Free Trade in corn may be defended on other grounds, but not on the plea that it has induced reciprocity on the part of the nations who furnish us with large cereal supplies. Our present practice is opposed to that of every other country; a fact which, of itself, ought surely to temper the confidence of our political economists, who possibly may be right in their views, but who certainly have the misfortune to be opposed in this matter by the convictions and experience of statesmen in all other countries of the world. No people have studied Political Economy more anxiously than the Germans, who are, though it is the fashion to call them visionaries, upon such points more practical than ourselves. The Germans openly deny and impugn the soundness of our commercial doctrines. Few doubt the sagacity of Russia in all that concerns her own aggrandisement, and yet the Russian statesmen regard our policy as absolutely suicidal. France, though invited to reciprocate, has refused the offer; and the acute Americans pronounce us to be commercially insane!

We do not expect that considerations such as these will weigh much with the electors in the inland boroughs throughout the kingdom. Retail dealers are usually bad judges of political economy; and they will seldom reason or act upon anything which is beyond the scope of their own immediate observation. The balance of trade is a subject beyond the reach of municipal intellect, as now exhibited in our civic assemblies. But in the great commercial towns, such questions are well understood and eagerly canvassed. Upon their solution depends the wellbeing of the merchant-and under him, of all those in his employment; and, consequently, arguments which might be overlooked in a city like Edinburgh, where Sectarianism and Dissent are held to be the proper tests of Parliamentary ability, tell, with the utmost force, in such a place as Liverpool. We con

fess that we look to the decision of the commercial towns, as contradistinguished from the pure seats of manufacture, with much anxiety. Their verdict, at such a time, is most valuable, and will so be received; because any error in commercial policy which may be committed by a government, necessarily exhibits its effects, in the first instance, amongst them, and is later in reaching other classes of the community. And we would implore the electors to remember how much depends upon the decided expression of their opinions just now. Great difficulties are in the way of Government; and those difficulties can only be obviated by the frank and hearty adhesion of all those who are convinced that the commercial experiment is not working well for the true interests of the people. Let them remember that an opportunity such as the present, for repairing the bad effects of hasty legislation, may not soon occur again; and let them deliberately consider what the consequences would be, if such losses as were experienced last year became of frequent occurrence. Without reciprocity it is plain that we are throwing away all our other advantages. We are met, and will still continue to be met, with high import duties — less on account of the revenue which these bring to the states which impose them, than for the direct encouragement of their own domestic manufactures. With imports greatly exceeding the exports in value, prices have declined materially in this country; and in many most important branches of industry the wages of labour have been lowered. This is not a state of things which ought to, or can, continue; and it is so far fortunate that, at the present time, no external disturbing causes can be held out as specious reasons for the decline. To whatever extent that decline may prevail, it arises solely from our own system; and it is the imperative duty of the electors interested in commerce, to declare whether or not that system has received their approbation.

We do not feel inclined to speculate on the result of the contest, which, before another number of the Maga

zine can be issued, must be brought to an end. We know that Conservative principles have been steadily advancing; and that the Liberal party is greatly disunited and divided. Since the commencement of 1848, the scenes which have been enacted on the continent of Europe have given fearful warning against democratic change; and even those who are democratically inclined might profit by the example, since, in almost every case, military despotism has succeeded to unlicensed anarchy. What this country requires, and what all good men should pray for, and do their utmost to promote, is stability, not change. But the activity of the age develops itself in political as well as in other forms; and there are always to be found men who, rather than remain content in their native respectable obscurity, will attempt to enter the Legislature, and clamber into power, by espousing violent doctrines. In our larger cities and towns the progress of the tribune is sufficiently well known. Some aspiring dealer in the hard line, who is gifted with more brass than his neighbours, and who is proportionally conceited, fixes upon the Established churches as a grievance, and so becomes a kind of leader among the acrid champions of Dissent. By the votes of the Seceding myrmidons he is returned to the town council, where he is great upon all questions of economydocking salaries, criticising accounts, and cutting down estimates, in a manner that might do credit to the stingiest purser of an emigrant vessel. Having thus founded his character as an economist, he naturally aspires to higher things; and, being of a scheming turn of mind, he effects such a combination of divers interests among the municipal councillors, that, in due course of time, he is elevated to the civic chair. Even in that high eminence he will not remain content. Although reasonably deficient in literature, and not remarkable for his high breeding, he gradually conceives the notion that his proper arena lies within the walls of St Stephen's. He does not think that, in point of arithmetic, he is one whit inferior to Mr Joseph Hume. He has dined with Mr Cobden, and has failed to be impressed

with the superior elegance of his manners. He knows that he can speak quite as well as nine-tenths of the honourable members who make it an invariable practice to object to the estimates; and he flatters himself that he is not at all the sort of man whom anybody can succeed in putting down. In order to achieve the object of his ambition, he organises a clique or junta, composed of men who are entirely devoted to his interests; and of this mystic body, which, in every large town is regarded with superstitious terror, he becomes the leading spirit. Not the Old Man of the Mountain had more power over his fanatical followers, than has the civic ruler over the Dissenting fathers of their tribe. But, as it is not supposed that the more respectable part of the community will view his pretensions with a favourable eye, our acute functionary does not come forward at once, but adopts the Fabian policy. By himself, or through his agents, he throws obstacles in the way of every other candidate; amuses rival committees with the prospect of a common understanding, and persuades them to make proposals to men who, as he knows very well, can never become his rivals. After this has gone on for some time, and the constituency have become impatient, some faithful satellite rises in his place, and declares that he can no longer stifle in his bosom the impulse which urges him to suggest our excellent first magistrate" as by far the fittest man to represent the borough in Parliament. At the word, up rise the clique, and the pawkie proposal is straightway raucously ratified. After a faint protest, like that of the ancient bishops, or the Speaker of the House of Commons, whom it was established etiquette to force into the chair, the excellent first magistrate accepts the trust; and, in all probability, after being proposed and seconded by a couple of subordinate Gracchi, is elected. But he had much better have remained at home. Local reputations, however bright they may appear in the eyes of a clique, fade rapidly in the House of Commons; and the aspiring senator very soon begins to find that there is some difference between Parliament, wherein he is a cipher, and the motley assemblage in which he once presided

as supreme. His manners, dialect, and style of oratory are all strange to the gentlemen of England. His minuteness wearies, his pertinacity disgusts them; and he is speedily set down as that most insufferable of all characters, a bore, and is universally avoided. Of course, this is gall and wormwood to his naturally jaundiced disposition. Always Radically inclined, he becomes ten times more democratic than before, and continually transgresses the scriptural precept, by speaking evil of dignities. At every general election there is a fresh crop of these representatives, neither doing credit to themselves, nor conferring any honour on the places which send them to Parliament; and it is very remarkable that most of these men are returned by the larger constituencies. We remember to have been, a good while ago, very much struck by the leading article in the Times, which incontestably proved that the very worst members of the House of Commons represented the largest number of electors. The reason of it we take to be this: Few men of education and delicacy of feeling can bring themselves to submit to the ordeal, which is now passing into a custom-at least it is so in Scotland --of being catechised and questioned by every elector and non-elector who has grammar enough to make himself intelligible. A very amusing and also instructive catalogue of such questions might be preserved. "What div ye think o' preemygeniture and the Irish bishops ?" was a query put not long ago to one candidate. "Wha pit oot Lord John Russell?" was an intended poser put to a Conservative; but the prompt reply "Lord Palmerston," made the Liberal inquirer resume his seat in a greater hurry than he rose. "Wull ye vote for the aboleetion o' Church and State?" was the inquiry of one Seceding cobbler, who considered the State to be an institution at least as objectionable as the Church. Sometimes the audience are facetious, and in a playful mood. "Ma freends," said a western asthmatical bailie, rising with the evident intention of beckling a candidate-" ma freends, ye a' ken I've got a weak voice." "We a' ken ye are a weak body a'thegither!" was the candid response of the electors. Where there is a VOL. LXXII.-NO. CCCCXLI.

district of united burghs, as in Scotland, it is not uncommon to see a notorious Radical acting in the capacity of a sleuth-hound. His business is to follow the candidate from place to place, and insult him by a repetition of precisely the same questions. No matter how absurd the question may be, the candidate is expected to answer it; and let him answer it as fairly and clearly as language will allow, the odds are that the querist sits down with an intimation that he is not satisfied, and accuses the candidate of quibbling. Really this is a practice which ought to be ended at once. In every town there are men, known by head-mark, who attend to put questions, not for the purpose of eliciting information as to the principles of the candidate-which is quite legitimate, provided these are not distinctly set forth in his addressbut for that of indulging their own vulgar appetite for insolence; and such fellows ought at once to be ejected from the meeting by the common concurrence of every respectable elector. But, independently of this, which is, after all, but a temporary nuisance, a large urban constituency is invariably fickle, and not much more to be relied upon, in the matter of impulse, than a mob. Let a man slave as he may, his seat is never secure. Whilst he is doing his duty to the utmost of his ability in Parliament, some wily competitor is engaged in undermining him at home. Therefore it is that the best qualified men rather shrink from than court the honour of representing large constituencies in Parliament; and therefore it is that so many of these seats are virtually ceded to the democracy. A mayor or provost, if he has his wits about him, may contrive, through his municipal connection and influence, to unseat and supplant the wisest man that ever sat in the House of Com

mons.

We wish it were possible to impress the electors generally with the conviction that a man may make an excellent civic ruler, without possessing that judgment, intelligence, or sagacity which ought to be considered the indispensable requisites for a member of the British Parliament. There are many scales of vision. A man may

I

be able very well to conduct the contracted affairs of a municipality, without having the education or expansion of mind necessary to enable him to form a sound opinion upon matters involving the dearest interests of the Empire. We shall concede at once that the members of the Manchester school are competent to the consideration of questions of local economy. They are quite able to look sharply after civic funds, and can detect, through a kind of instinct, any attempt at peculation. But put them in a higher sphere, and what do we find? They would rather see the country invaded, than pay for a standing army or maintain an effective militia. They are for cutting down everything which is expensive, irrespective altogether of its utility. They would rather see the Colonies abandoned, than incur any charge for the support of their establishments; and they are utterly indifferent to the national position or renown. They make idiots of themselves at peace congresses, talk trash about fraternity, and believe in their hearts that Free Trade is a nobler thing than Christianity. In short, they have simply the accomplishment of pedlars, and nothing more. They estimate literature and learning as they would measure tape; and consider a new taking pattern for a calico print as the highest achievement of the fine arts. These men are not of the stuff from which efficient legislators are made. They are entirely incapable of comprehending the duties of the trust which they seek; and it would indeed be a black day for Britain when the majority of the senate was composed of such narrow-minded chafferers.

Undoubtedly, had the Conservative tactics in the larger towns been wiser and more decided, the number of such men who are now pressing forward to Parliament would have been materially diminished. The great mistake, lies in the apathy which prevails regarding the municipal elections-it being exceedingly difficult to find respectable Conservative candidates willing to offer themselves for seats at these council-boards. Some men will not take the trouble; others dislike the society to which they necessarily must be introduced; and some

There

-very foolishly, as we think-affect to undervalue the dignity. may be something in the two first reasons; but we would beg our friends to remember, that, without some trouble and inconvenience, nothing in this world that is worth having can be gained. And surely it is a poor compliment, and, at the same time, a sad discouragement, to the few who manfully persevere in the attempt to maintain at least some appearance of Conservative representation at these boards, that others, who have their time even more at their own disposal, should shrink from undertaking what is actually a public duty. As for the last view, it is simply childish and absurd. To be a member of council implies an honourable trust, which any man, be his position what it may, should be proud to hold. In former days, for example, the provostship of the metropolis of Scotland was held by the first nobles of the land; and, though times have since altered, as well as the methods of election, it is a scandal and a disgrace to find our most eminent citizens recoiling from the management of municipal affairs, as if these were beneath their notice. We speak plainly, because we feel that this is just matter of reproach; and it is full time that the error which has prevailed for many years should be amended. Municipal institutions must exist, and municipal representatives have, in many ways, a vast deal in their power; in especial, their example and influence is most powerful on the occasion of any election. And yet what do we find, too generally, to be the case? Those citizens who from talent, education, position, and wealth, ought to take the lead in municipal affairs, are rarely members of the town councils. They might be elected if they chose to offer themselves, but they will not; and consequently, the trust devolves, in many cases, upon brawling demagogues of the coarsest stamp, or upon virulent Dissenters, who bid fair, in the process of time, to monopolise the whole of our municipal representation. Now, when it is considered that in Scotland some of the municipalities have large powers such as those of electing clergymen of the Established Church, and professors in the universities