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the importance of having men duly qualified to exercise such important functions, becomes at once apparent. Notwithstanding this-notwithstanding the exceedingly questionable exercise, on more than one occasion, of their patronage on the part of Dissenting majorities-both Conservatives and Whigs (we speak of the old respectable party) seem content to abandon the municipal field almost entirely to the Radicals and Seceders. We do not write this without a serious purpose. We think that now is the time, when the result of previous supineness is made apparent to them in more than one important place, to warn the Conservatives that, in hanging back from participation in municipal matters, they are, in fact, giving direct influence and political power to their most bitter and malignant adversaries. If proper men were found to discharge the civic offices, the democratic influence at urban elections would be most materially diminished. It is utterly preposterous to suppose that if men of education, character, and position, came forward as candidates for the civic representation, they would not, in the majority of instances, be preferred to the sorry specimens of administrative intellect who now constitute the majority of our civic councillors. We have no wish to dilate on this topic, which, perhaps, is rather foreign to our subject. It is, however, one of great importance, which the electors would do well to consider before the recurrence of another period of municipal change. We do not say broadly that the constitutional battle is to be fought at the civic polling-booths; but we do say this, that, by neglecting the latter, and by not assuming their fair share of municipal responsibility and action, the constitutional party are yearly losing ground in our cities and larger towns, and subjecting themselves to the recurrence of periodical political defeat.

In one other respect, those electors who wish well to the constitutional cause ought to take a lesson from the conduct of their opponents. The Radicals and Dissenters-we need hardly add, the Papists-are always upon the alert. They keep up their registrations, which the Conservatives do

not with anything like proper zeal it being nothing unusual to find, on the eve of an election, that men who have possessed the necessary qualification for years, have never given themselves the trouble of applying to be placed on the roll. Not so is it with our opponents, who neglect no opportunity of adding to their electoral strength. On the occasion of an election, almost every man of them registers his vote; and further, they spare no trouble in the preliminary work of the canvass. They have a distinct object to gain, and they exert themselves as if the success depended upon the individual efforts of each. Whereas, among many of the Conservatives, there is a degree of apathy which is almost unaccountable. Some men cannot be brought to vote at all, either because they are actuated by whim, or are influenced by some personal considerations relating to the candidates. One man will not vote against a particular Liberal, because he has known him from his youth upwards. Another will not vote for a Conservative candidate, because he has had some squabble with him regarding railway matters. Another does not think that Lord Derby will get a working majority in the new Parliament, and therefore he declines to put his shoulder to the wheel. We need not comment upon the weakness, but we desire to point out the gross folly and miserable effects of such conduct. This is no ordinary crisis. Upon the success of Lord Derby depends the maintenance of Constitutional and Protestant principles in this country; and every vote which is withheld or thrown away adds to the chances of our adversaries. It is a scandalous thing that a Conservative voter, under any circumstances, should require persuasion to perform what is his manifest duty. If private considerations are to be allowed to interfere, when candidates are fairly in the field-if personal pique, or personal motives, are to be deemed more weighty than the claims of principle

if indolence and apathy are carried to such an extent that registered voters, of known opinions, will not take the trouble of even going to the poll-how can it be expected that the Government will be able to make head

against an active, fierce, and unscrupulous democracy? There is but one rule to be observed on such occasions as the present. Let no man calculate chances for himself, nor regulate his conduct according to his anticipations of the result of the contest. Wherever a Conservative candidate-one who will generally support the present Government, and uphold our Protestant institutions is in the field, let him have the cordial, strenuous, and early support of every Conservative voter. If, in the mind of any, there exist personal objections to a candidate, let these be generously waived, on the consideration that it is not the man, but the cause, that they are called upon to support. Any show of lukewarmness at such a time has the effect of damping the spirits and chilling the enthusiasm of the more ardent and energetic of the party; it inspires our opponents with confidence, and, in many cases, may materially contribute to their success. And now we have done. Late as the period is, we are not without hope that the observations which we have ventured to make may be useful in confirming the minds of some, and in opening the eyes of others, to the vast importance of the contest which is about to take place. We cannot overrate its magnitude. This is the grand struggle between Constitutional principle and Democratic ambition between Protestantism and Popery, now all the more dangerous, because we find it in intimate alliance with Liberalism and Infidelity - between

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peat, as we have said before, that, should Lord Derby fail in commanding a majority in the House of Commons, the return of the Whigs to power, in the same position and on the same principles as before, is absolutely impossible. We must, in that case, expect that all the parties who are at present using their utmost influence to obtain a return hostile to her Majesty's Ministers, will be represented in the next Cabinet; and should that event occur, it requires no prophet to foresee that the most reckless changes, and the most disastrous results, must inevitably occur. But we have little fear for the issue. If the Conservatives bestir themselves boldly and with becoming spirit

if the right-thinking men throughout the country who know the value of the blessings which they enjoy, and who are opposed to organic change, make their voices distinctly heardthey constitute a body more numerous and influential than that which is opposed to them, and which, even now, is making the most desperate exertions to obtain a majority in Parliament. Let us, on the other side, be resolute and active-let us comport ourselves as becomes the greatness and the dignity of our causeand most assuredly we shall be able to defeat that foul and unnational coalition which has dared to menace the integrity of Church and State, of the Protestant faith, and of the timehonoured institutions of the realm.

Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh.

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DIES BOREALES. No IX. CHRISTOPHER UNDER CANVASS,

133

FROM STAMBOUL TO TABRIZ,

KATIE STEWART. A TRUE STORY. PART II.,

GOLD-EMIGRATION-FOREIGN DEPENDENCE-TAXATION,

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182

203

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MY NOVEL; OR, VARIETIES IN ENGLISH LIFE. PART XXIII.,
THE EARL OF DERBY'S APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY,

235

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EDINBURGH:

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, 45 GEORGE STREET;
AND 37 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON.

To whom all communications (post paid) must be addressed.
SOLD BY ALL THE BOOKSELLERS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS, EDINBURGH.

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THE great Epic Poets of Antiquity began with invoking superhuman aid to their human powers. They magnified their subject by such a confession, that their unassisted strength was unequal to worthily treating it; and it is perfectly natural for us to believe that they were sincere in these implorations. For their own belief was that Gods presided over, ruled, and directed, not only the motions of the Visible Universe, and the greater and outward events and destinies of nations and individuals, but that the Father of Gods and Men, and peculiar Deities under him, influenced, inspired, and sustained, gave and took away the powers of wisdom, virtue, and genius, in every kind of design and in every kind of action.

SEWARD.

They would call down the help, suggestion, and inspiration of heavenly guides, protectors, and monitors;-of Jupiter, to whom even their dim faith looked above themselves and beyond this apparent world, for the incomprehensible causes of things;-of Apollo, the God of Music and of Song;-of those divine Sisters, under whose especial charge that imaginative religion placed Poets and their works, the nine melodious Daughters of Memory;of those three other gentle deities, of whom Pindar affirms, that if there be amongst men anything fair and admirable, to their gift it is owing, and whose name expresses the accomplishing excellence of Poesy, if all suffrages are to be united in praise: bright Sisters too, adored with altar and temple,-the Graces.

VOL. LXXII.-NO. CCCCXLII.

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