mission and duty to throw the blaze of their intellect into the darkest and obscurest cranny. But, as there are many minds in the association, and as unfortunately it cannot be said that entire unanimity prevails, they select one of their number, generally the most consummate ass of the lot, to compile tracts for distribution, and to appear as the expositor of their views. Down sits Bully Bottom with his blue books, scratching his ear, as, for the first time in his life, he encounters the difficulties of composition; and, after the lapse of some weeks, with what throes no living mortal can tell, he produces to his admiring friends a pamphlet containing what he calls an elaborate exposition of the whole system of British finance. Of course the object of the association is to effect retrenchment, the discovery of the means of that retrenchment being left to the eminent individual who has undertaken the practical details. At first, perhaps for modesty is not altogether extinguished in his mind-he may have entertained some slight doubt as to his competency to grapple with such a subject; but, as he advances, all such idle hesitation disappears. To his intense delight he discovers that nothing can be easier than to lop off several millions per annum from the national expenditure, and of course from the taxation; and he marvels mightily in his soul how so very simple a process should have escaped the observation of practised statesmen. He finds that the colonies cost money—what is the remedy? Why, it is as plain as a pikestaff get rid of the colonies altogether! If you were to take away his blue books and put him upon his oath, he could not, to save his life, tell you whether Britain had ten colonies or a hundred; he does not, at this moment, know when and how they were acquired; what is their worth, value, population, or, in fact, anything whatever about them. All he knows is, that if we were quit of them there would be less expenditure, and so he frames his report. Next he comes to the army. He cannot conceive why so large an establishment should be kept up in the time of peace, unless for colonial garrisons; and by abandon

ing the colonies, as he proposes, we could at once dispense with the services of say some fifty thousand men. Then, again, amongst his other numerous honours, he is a delegate to the Peace Congress for some important place, such as Slockendrouth or Muttonhole, and he is decidedly in favour of a general European disarmament. So he slices off half the army; and then, drawing nigh to the navy, astonishes it with a tremendous broadside. His nautical experiences not extending beyond the casual observation of a steam-boat-in which certain painted announcements, indicative of penalties to be inflicted on those who venture to come "abaft the binnacle," have always struck him with mysterious awe-he is, of course, not trammelled by prejudice, and can insist freely upon the demolition of the Nelson, the Thunderer, and the Benbow. It is perfectly amazing to behold how easily Captain Pen can knock down the wooden walls of England. Turning to the Civil expenditure, he is not less adroit. He would dispense with half the judges and other functionaries, and pay the moiety, whom he spares, at a diminished rate;-he has been a hardworking man all his life, but he never realised anything like the income which is given to these drones in ermine. And so the scheme of retrenchment is framed-submitted to the applauding association, the members of which are justly proud of the unexpected achievement of their brother-printed and circulated for the consideration of other noodles, with the expression of a hope on the part of the association, that petitions, praying for "that admirable scheme of Financial Reform which is set forth in the accompanying pamphlet," may be prepared as early as possible, and laid before Parliament !

No man residing in one of our larger towns, who has the advantage of a street-door to his premises, can call the above an exaggerated picture. It is what has been going on, month after month, and year after year; until the frequency of such documents, and the notorious stupidity of their framers, who have not even sense enough to preserve the anonymous, have in some degree neutralised their

effect. But is it not an awful scandal to our national intelligence, that such follies should escape exposure, and that unlettered and unlearned idiots should be permitted to play such pranks in the face of open day, without due denunciation of their presumption? Next, let us see what is sometimes done in Parliament. A question of the gravest and most abstruse nature-let us say that of national education-is appropriated, not by a grey-headed man, who has made that subject his unremitting study for many years, pondering over all the schemes and systems which have been tried or adopted in ancient, mediæval, and modern times; conversant with the practice of every country in Europe, and familiar with all the controversies which have arisen upon so fertile a topic, and which have, over and over again, been illustrated by the pens of the ripest scholars and most mature philanthropists of the age;-not by such a one, we say, is the question appropriated, but by some slim youth or lordling, who brings to the task little information of his own, no experience, no new ideas, save such as have been driven into him by sectaries; perhaps a fair purpose, but an utter want both of knowledge and capacity; and he is straightway clapped on the back by his political friends, and pronounced to be a better authority on educational subjects than Ascham, Bacon, or Buchanan! Nay, within this last month or so, we have had young gentlemen, whose years do not afford any guarantee for the soundness of their judgment, expatiating upon the invaluable blessings of unbigoted education, and expressing a hope that, in the coming time, the Bible would no more be made a task-book!

We trust that we have never entertained any illiberal views regarding the right of expression of opinion. In our own instance we stand up for it, speaking pretty freely our mind upon all questions which come before us, and not caring much-from natural kindness of disposition-for the occasional attacks which we provoke from dissentient brethren of the press. But, even at the risk of being accused of the most base subservience to foreign potentates of inuendo as to the

amount of snuff-boxes and plate received from St Petersburg, Vienna, and Naples-we must needs say, that the new power, which Kossuth, at his late visit to this country, selected for special laudation-viz., the Municipalities has of late infinitely overstepped its own proper function. What is a municipality, town-council, or by whatever name such a body may be known? Simply a committee of the citizens, to administer the affairs of the urban community-to look after its property, and to protect its rights. It is an excellent institution; and here we may venture to express our deep mortification that nobody has thought of elevating us to such a position that we could become candidate for the office of Captain of the Orange Colours. But we are seriously disposed to differ from those who think that the municipalities have a cosmopolitan sphere, and are entitled to supersede the functions both of the Houses of Parliament and of her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Foreign Department. We admit the extreme respectability of the constituent members, and—in the average—their intelligence. What work really is theirs, they do reasonably well, though sometimes in a cheese-paring spirit; but we really must demur to their interference with matters which-to state our views broadly-are utterly beyond the comprehension, or the grasp, of the great majority of their number. For example, there is a row, we shall suppose, in Modena or Messina-in other words, an attempt at revolution. Various individuals, concerned in the affair, are lodged in prison; and it turns out that some of these have, naturally enough, denied the Roman faith, they having very little faith in any other intelligible creed. Instantly we have a case of martyrdom. Just as the French sympathised with Cuffey or Smith O'Brien, so do our sympathetic municipalities sympathise with Cospetto, Maledetto, Corpo di Caio Mario, or any other Italian patriot who, without religion, has an unfortunate predilection for pikes; and their grievances and wrongs are entered in the civic minutes, along with resolutions for the cutting down of a bell-ringer's salary by ten shil

lings per annum, or estimates for a fresh furbishing of the antiquated city halberds. We must needs confess that this exuberant overflow of sympathy appears to us altogether ridiculous. In the first place, not one out of ten of the sympathisers knows anything whatever of the real merits of the question. They have collectively no acquaintance with the laws of that country with which they propose to interfere, nor with its customs, nor even with its language. They are not much removed above that state of credulity in which everything that appears in print is regarded as incontrovertible truth; they read newspaper paragraphs, and surrender their belief, without any examination at all into the truth or credibility of the statement. Then, as to the effect of public opinion, about which we hear so much; that is, we apprehend, a good deal overrated. We are in clined to question whether the remonstrance of the town-council of Anstruther Easter would have much effect in altering the deliberate policy of the Court of Vienna; or whether the Sutors of Selkirk would receive any further answer to their protestations in favour of Hungarian independence, than a reference to a wellknown Latin adage. Just let us, for a moment, apply the golden rule of ethics. What should we think if we were to receive a protest from the bailies of Palermo against the wrongs inflicted on unhappy Ireland by the hands of the sister country? What answer would we give to a requisition from Siberia, desiring us, in the name of humanity, to abandon our occupation of the Indian territory? may be said that these municipal tomfooleries, though in themselves absurd, are yet harmless; but it is not so. The British nation does indeed occupy a most conspicuous place in the sight of the whole world; and corresponding with the loftiness of its position ought to be the dignity of its demeanour. The mind of Britain ought not to be expressed in such feeble chatterings as these. When the nation speaks, it should speak through its legitimate organs, and in a voice of thunder. We are serious when we say that we attribute a great share of that undoubted decline of

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British influence which, of late years, has been visible on the Continent, to the arrogant and impertinent interference of the municipalities in matters with which they had no concern. We are considered, naturally enough, to be a nation of busy-bodies, addicted to boast and bluster, rather than to decisive action. The municipal tongue very rarely confines itself to the limits of discretion; for, as the proverb hath it, "the cock always crows loudest on his own dung-hill;" and you would think, from the vehement language sometimes used by orators of this stamp, that they were not only preaching, but perfectly ready to undertake the conduct of, a new crusade. All this is reported and read-eagerly caught up by disaffected persons abroad, and circulated as a proof that the great British nation is rousing itself for an exhibition of its strength. But, fortunately for us, executive prudence lags far behind municipal enthusiasm. The grand demonstration results in nothing but smoke; and it is then made matter of reproach against England, both by governments and insurgents, that she has given countenance to a movement, without even the intention of ever affording it support.

We trust that these remarks of ours will not be misapprehended. We desire to see the influence of this country exerted on the side of rational liberty; but for that end it is necessary, above all things, that its influence should be maintained. About a year ago, Kossuth, arriving in England, was received first by the municipality of Southampton, and afterwards by other and even more influential corporations, with honours which were utterly extravagant. There were banquets, processions, addresses, orations, and what not; there was excitement throughout the whole land at the approach of the exiled patriot. We draw a strong distinction between the respect and reverence due to unfortunate valour, and that fiery fanaticism which absolutely identifies men with the cause which they profess to adore. And yet, if Kossuth had attempted to levy a regiment-nay, a single company-out of the hundreds of thousands of artisans who were hollaing after him, he would have

been miserably disappointed with the result. Not a soul of them- from the Roman-minded alderman, who magniloquently expressed himself as ready to die at any given moment for the cause of freedom, down to the hairy fellow from the forge, who knew as much about the Hungarian question as he did of the politics of Timbuctoo -would have shouldered walnut in his service. It was a grand demonstration that was all; and it neither found, nor was intended to find, an echo within the walls of Parliament. Now, what was the use of all this? It did no good to the Hungarians—it had no influence upon Austria. Either the country was in earnest, or it was not. If the former, those in whose favour such demonstrations were made were entitled to expect some assistance more effectual than words or cheers. If the latter, the sooner that such things are discontinued the better.

It is rather remarkable, that a distinct parody of our own conduct in this matter is very often exhibited in America, and that with regard to ourselves. There the municipalities are rather worse, because more loosely constituted than our own. And at certain seasons, when the American mind feels the necessity of getting rid of a little of its accumulated bile, through the medium of excitement, it is not uncommon to behold a monster gathering, for the purpose of expressing deep sympathy with the wrongs of Ireland, and for petitioning Congress to take immediate steps for the annexation of that unhappy island. We plead guilty to having read the reports of several such meetings, and anything more gruesome than the language employed, it would baffle the imagination to conceive. The late Daniel O'Connell was a fair hand at abusing the Saxon; but we really think that even his best essays in that line have been eclipsed by the efforts of Transatlantic orators. Death by the bowieknife-by Colt's revolver-gouging burning alive-are tender mercies compared with the retribution which is prophesied for those hideous tyrants of England. By a fine figure of rhetoric, Hibernia is likened to an innocent virgin shrieking in the

VOL. LXXII.-NO. CCCCXLV.

fangs of an infuriated hyæna, who has not tasted flesh for a fortnight since he scraped open a grave! Mysterious legions are hinted at, ready to advance to conquest; and, in the name of liberty, the whole world is summoned to rise against the British tyrant. We are not foolish enough to be seriously angry at such absurdities, because we know perfectly well that they mean nothing; but their frequent recurrence does not create in us any additional respect for the American character. Nothing can be more injurious to a nation that its liability to the charge of gasconading; and yet, is it not evident that, through the impertinent divergence of the municipalities from their proper functions, the charge applies to ourselves? Town-councils have nothing to do with politics either at home or abroad. The Commissioners of Police, or the Road Trustees, are as well entitled as they are to pass resolutions in favour of Free Trade or matters of imperial finance; and it is full time that some steps should be taken to prevent local and corporate bodies from interfering in matters infinitely beyond the scope of their general comprehension.

We have very little faith, indeed, in the efficacy of new ideas, as applied to the society in which we live. We do not participate in that earnest desire for change, which we are forced to recognise as a general feature of the age. Why should we? Under our institutions we have perfect freedom. Our Parliaments represent sufficiently the intelligence of the nation, and perhaps something more. If our churches are corrupt, then Protestantism must be rotten to the core; for our churches were and are the glory and the pride of those who, in every land, have protested against Roman domination. Allied with them is our educational system, which, gradually developing itself, as all educational systems must do, has at all events materially contributed to make us what we are. This is not a country on which "ideologists should be permitted to experimentalise. Suffering and poverty there are among us, but from these curses no portion of humanity is free; and in no other land than ours have such

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noble efforts been made to alleviate them. When, therefore, we hear such men as Owen, Carlyle, and Kingsley denouncing everything which exists, and railing against the institutions and arrangements of their country, we confess to a certain degree of pardonable irritation, which would be far greater if we believed that they had brains enough to accomplish permanent harm. But Britain is not like France at least as yet-liable to be led astray by the crotchets of visionary enthusiasts. Even in France the doctrines maintained by Louis Blanc, and men of his school, have been for some time thoroughly exploded, and we no more look for their revival, than for a resurrection of the reign of the Anabaptists.

Gradually but surely the Holidays are passing away, and the time has almost arrived when the new campaign must begin. After the lapse of a very few days, the walls of St Stephens will be once more resonant with the hum of voices; yet there remains one task to be performed ere the opening of political strife. The Hero of the Age-the Great Captain -these are titles we may freely use since they have long been ratified by history has been taken from amongst us. Honoured and beloved by all men, he has fallen asleep, full of years and glory, and centuries may elapse ere England shall be able to point with exultation to his equal. It is not our purpose now to insist upon his last emphatic warning, or to refer to those apprehensions for the future security of the kingdom, which darkened his declining years. The warning has been spoken; and if his words have fallen in vain, no others will be effectual. But from the character of the man, at whatever humble distance we may stand, there is not one of us that may not derive a wholesome lesson. In him we perceive, more perhaps than in any other hero of ancient or modern times, the development of two great heroic attributes-loyalty and self-abnegation. Never had the Crown so faithful and devoted a servant. There was no sycophancy in his service, for the Duke was little of a courtier; but, regarding his Sovereign as

the being to whom, on earth, he owed the most allegiance, his constant thought was how to preserve the dignity of the Crown unimpaired. It was this strong feeling of loyalty which induced him, on more occasions than one-to the astonishment of those who knew his native inflexibility of mind-to sacrifice his own judgment, and give way to counsels of which he could not conscientiously approve ; because, though ready in his own person to make any sacrifice rather than abandon a principle, he yet considered the security of the Sovereign to be the paramount object of a British statesman. Of his self-abnegation

we need not speak. A crown was absolutely within his reach, but he waived it from him as a forbidden thing. The first of subjects, he occupied a higher place than many an anointed king; and, long after he has been laid in his grave, we shall all of us feel proud of the rich inheritance of his fame. From his example, the young may learn to love their country and honour their Queen, not only through generous impulse, but as a high and sacred duty; for loyalty, though despised and sneered at by the ignoble children of revolution, is, and will ever remain, the pole-star of the honourable and the brave. Greatly will he be mourned, and greatly missed in the councils of the nation, where his words, though not clothed in eloquence, were listened to with an attention more deep than was accorded to the skilful orator; and deeper than the mourning of others, will be the mourning of that Royal Lady, who in him has lost her best, her wisest, and most devoted friend.

Such an event as this ought to have a deep influence upon us all. Even the ambitious, in their full career, may profitably pause for a time before the coffin of the mighty dead. "Dust to dust-ashes to ashes," that is but a trite homily, and common to the pauper and the peer. But why is it that the mourning is universal? Why is it every one feels that a glory has departed from the land? Not because he was the victor in many fights-not because he was the greatest general that in our day has taken the field-but because he was a true patriot and lover of his country-be