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press. That circumstance will at nion, taught by experience, may unleast save us from the charge of un dergo a remarkable change with redue partisanship. But we do con- gard to this important question. And fess that we feel at the present time though that remark may excite from an anxiety far beyond that which we our opponents an emphatic response have felt for many years. Impressed of “Never!” we would pray them to by a strong sense of the wrong which remember that their triumph has we conceived to be done to the been mainly owing to circumstances agricultural interest of Britain by altogether beyond human control. the violent change which was ef. But we have no wish to revive confected some six years ago — and troversy. That the country may be not less impressed with the convic- prosperous under the accepted policy tion, that the method by which is our earnest hope and prayer; and the change was carried was not it would very ill become us to assume in accordance with what ought to a tone of stubborn dogmatism on a be the honourable course of an Eng subject which, as we have already lish statesman-we have fought the said, has assumed an altered aspect battle to the last, with what ability within a very short time, from causes we could command. Even now, which were not and could not be taking circumstances as they were anticipated by the wisdom of man. in 1846, we can acknowledge no We await, with much anxiety, the change of opinion. With a restricted announcement of the Ministerial meacurrency, causing periodical commer
These will, as a matter of cial convulsions, and an enormous course, be subjected to the most rigid debt, which necessitated the collection scrutiny, and we may be sure that of a prodigious revenue, we could not an opposition so recklessly commenced conceive how the industry of this will not be allowed to slumber. One country would be able to cope, on section of the Liberal party, with a equal terms, with the comparatively selfishness which really requires conuntaxed products of other more fa- siderable hardihood to acknowledge, voured countries. Since then, some have avowed their determination to portion of the difficulty has been re oppose any measure which may be moved, by means which certainly calculated directly or indirectly to were not contemplated by the authors afford any relief to the suffering inof the legislative measures of 1846. terests of the country. These gentleThe discovery of the gold-fields has men do not even pretend to respect operated until now, and may operate the ordinary rules of justice. They still farther, if no insidious attempt is have abrogated the Corn Laws, but made to deprive the nation of the they will not consent to remove or benefit, as a virtual abrogation of even to mitigate one of the peculiar those wretched currency laws, which burdens which was laid upon the have been the curse of Britain since landed interest, in respect of the they were enacted, but which not existence of those laws. It is of no many could be brought to understand. use demonstrating to them, that you Even now, the effects of that discovery might with equal justice deprive a seem to be unappreciated by members man of half his income, and yet conof the British Legislature. A motion tinue to levy from him the same like that of Mr Villiers, which ex amount of direct taxation as before. cludes all notice of the most memor They will hear nothing of adjustment able fact, financially speaking, which of taxation ; and no wonder, because, has taken place since the mines of the as matters stand at present, they do New World were first laid open to not contribute their fair share to the the search of the Old, argues the most public burdens of the country. They consummate ignorance of all that re act, and glory in it, upon the old lates to the working of the monetary marauding principle that “might is system. But, making every allowance right; " and they say, that belongfor this unexpected relief, our faith in ing to a peculiar class, and represent. the soundness of the protective policy ing a particular interest, they will remains unshaken. The day may
care for it, and it only, irrespective not be far distant when public opi- of every other. It is highly discredi
table to the age that language such into other hands. But, above all as this should be tolerated by any things, it is needful that discord auditory without marks of distinct re should cease at home. Awful is the probation. It amounts to a broad and responsibility which those will incur plain acknowledgment that the public who lend their countenance and aid wealis not to be regarded when opposed to faction, at a time when foreign to private interest—a sentiment cer events of great significance have at tainly the reverse of patriotic, and last aronsed the nation from its equally opposed to the leading dogmata lethargic torpor, and dissipated the of republicanism. But all that matters dream of fancied security in which nothing. As in commercial specula we had so long indulged. Possibly tion no man cares for his brother, the aların may not be followed by but rather tries if possible to outwit any corresponding aggression, for a him, so do some of our commercial wakeful and watchful policy will ever legislators maintain that all tricks are be found the best safeguard against allowable in politics as well as trade, outward attacks; but for the mainand that the game of “Beggar mytenance of peace we have evidently neighbour” may be fitly played in no security. And very blind we Parliament. It requires no searching must be if we cannot read, in the late glance to discover in this the symp- history of France, a lesson of the toms of profound demoralisation; but most emphatic warning against a dewe should wrong the Legislature, and mocratic movement. Mr Bright and even the Liberal party, were we to his fellows are using just now, though assume that even a considerable por perhaps unconsciously, the very same tion of them sympathised with so language which, from the mouths of sordid an avowal. There may be, the French democrats, led to the and there is, great difference of subversion of the monarchy, the opinion, both as to the extent of disorganisation of society, the dethe claims for relief which may be struction of credit, and the reign of urged on the part of any interest in the barricades. And what has folthe country which has suffered under lowed ? Slaughter, rapine, almost recent legislation, and as to the civil war, the suppression of the nature of the means which ought to liberty of the press, and the reign be applied remedially.
Is it to acfair subjects of discussion, and we complish such ends as these that we trust they will be discussed in a be are asked to change our system, to give coming spirit ; but, looking to the increased rapidity to the deliberations speeches which have already ema of our senate, or rather to dispense nated from Manchester, we must be with any deliberation at all—to infuse prepared for a violent opposition to more of the popular element, as it is every measure which has a tendency called, into our institutions; to trust to heal the sores which the recent to the “instinct” of the masses of the differences have engendered. It is in nation, and not to the calm judgment these discussions that the element of of its wisest and its best? Never has patriotism, where it exists, must show democracy, though rebuked by Proviitself in opposition to the blind at- dence wherever it has reared its head, tacks of faction. Surely the welfare experienced a more signal rebuke than and the tranquillity of the country is in this latest instance of France. It a matter of far greater moment than is of no avail that the men who were any party triumph ; surely it would themselves the chief instigators of the be wise to reconcile classes which movement, rail in their exile against have been arrayed in opposition, not that tyranny which was the inevitable to irritate those who are still smart- consequence of their misdeeds. Blind ing under a sense of recent injury. with faction, they could not see what Let the Ministry be judged by its they were doing—they could not peracts and its measures. If the latter ceive that each step made towards are not such as the country has good pure democracy was subversive of reason to expect, or of which it can the nation's liberties. Long indeed conscientiously approve, then the reins may it be before our country, blessed of government must necessarily pass with national liberty and free institu
tions, shall be led, by the instigation guarded position ; but there is a vast of demagogues, to plunge into a simi- difference between that and a delilar chaos.
berate and preconcerted attack made, Where there are demagogues, fac- not for any real public end, but simtion is of course to be found. It is ply for the purposes of molestation. therefore not to be wondered at if it It remains yet to be seen how this should show its head amongst us; but debate will be conducted, and how it it is the duty of every well-wisher of will terminate. For ourselves we the country to do his utmost to keep have no hesitation in characterising it down. It is far less open faction this as a deliberate factious effort, that we fear, than that kind of it and not as a fair and legitimate party which makes its approach under the movement ; because we are unable to more respectable name of party. see any absolute advantage which Many men who would shrink from could be gained by any party or any being broadly factious, and who would principle by the adoption of Mr Vilindignantly deny the charge, do ne- liers' motion. If it is simply intended vertheless commit faction by trusting as a censure upon Protectionists, it is implicitly to their leaders, and by senseless and out of place. It has no treading diligently in their footsteps. proper reference to future policy, apart For even the leaders, when they act from the amendment; because that from what has very aptly been termed is as clearly expressed in the one as " mixed motives," are not unfre- in the other. It gives no further secuquently driven into faction, their own rity for the continuance of the present hearts too often deceiving them as to system of commercial policy, than is the purity of their conduct. There accorded by the general acquiescence are many temptations in the way of of the nation, and the direct declaraa politician; and perhaps that man tion of Ministers. In a word, it is would be more than mortal who did factious; and, as such, we sincerely not occasionally feel an impulse to trust that it will not receive the sanctake advantage of an adversary's un- tion of the House of Commons.
INDEX TO VOL. LXXII.
Abdul Meschid, Sultan, sketch of, 164. Basle, cruelties against the Jews at, 598.
Bedi, King of Sennaar, 452.
Belgium, increased stringency of the
tariff of, 558.
Bhem Sen, Nepaulese minister, death of,
Black-cock shooting, on, 228.
Boarding-house, a Spanish, sketches in,
Boasting, prevalence of, in Great Britain,
Bonham, Mr, British consul at Teheran,
Bright, Mr, speech of, against the minis-
tions of the, 681-sketches of them by Buffalo-hunting in America, 686.
Byron, Jeffrey's criticism on, 467, 468.
Caffre war, effects of our economical
California, emigration of Chinese to, and
its effects, 98, 102 et seq.—the supply
Calne, the election for, 255.
Camel, antipathy between, and the horse,
delineation of Outalissi, 681.
-the supply of gold from, and its price
XXII., 49-Part XXIII., 235---Part
XXIV., 331–Part XXV., 479—Part
CELESTIALS, THE, AT HOME AND ABROAD, Cotton manufactures, increased duties on,
levied by the Zollverein, 557-increase
Country, state of the, 766.
ON THE FOURTH VOLUME OF, 316. Craigcrook, Jeffrey's residence at, 282.
Cranstoun, George, sketch of, by Lord
Cuba, immigration of Chinese labourers
from, 99 et seq.-recent history and Cypress swamp, sketch of a, 688.
Daily News, the, on the Derby adminis-
tis in eremo, 513—To my daughter,
516-Summer, ib.-Oribates, 757-1
758–Evening song, ib.
DEATH OF THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON,
Deer-stalking, requisites for, 221.
Democracy, alliance between, and popery,
during the fourteenth century, 596. Lord John Russell, 641.
tariff of, 565.
on him, 120 et seq.-as the opponent of
Sir James Graham on him, 364-his
declaration regarding Free Trade, 761.
Newspaper press on the, 354 et seq.-
virulence of the Whigs against the,
DIES BOREALES, No. IX., Christopher
under Canvass, 133--the invocations of
134-the Muse of poetry, 137—Mil-
ton's manner of representation, 142–
149—No. X., Discussion on Paradise
Disraeli, Mr, attacks of Cobden, &c. on,
262-his speech at Aylesbury, 265–
by Sir James Graham on him, 364-his