they have to do is to make the overplus of prosperity provide for the contingencies of adversity; and instead of subscribing against their masters, or against the state, or even for the support of their idle members, to subscribe for their own support, and let every man enjoy the advantage of his own prudence and exertions. We are far from intending to urge the past against them: let it only have its natural and due effect, and prove instructive towards the future. We are still further from wishing to counteract any efforts that public or private charity may make to the relief of urgent and immediate distress. Every member of society has too many offences against the laws of prudence and morality on his head, to permit his visiting similar transgressions in others severely. But in real truth no charity can relieve distress so extensive as that which arises from a decay in the demand for labour. At this moment the poor-rates of Birmingham amount to near 60,000l. per annum, and afford relief to 28,000 persons. The sum is immense; but how trifling is the assistance it furnishes! not ten-pence a-head weekly, nor 21. per annum on the average, to each individual. This proves at once by what a moderate saving the manufacturers might be able to relieve themselves far more successfully than they can ever be relieved by charity.

The means by which this desirable object might be attained, we leave, of course, to the better judgment of the local authorities. The matter is equally important to all; it concerns alike the comfort of the master, the best interests of the workman, and the safety of the whole community. Now that our manufacturers form so large a share of our population, it would be a melancholy reflection that in the course of things we must be visited by periodical returns of distress and discontent, perplexing' the nation with fear of change.' And yet it cannot be expected that similar distress should not produce similar discontent, or that men should retain any attachment to a state of things in which they see only abject penury before them; especially while persons are not wanting, and in a society like ours, persons never will be wanting, to persuade them that this hopeless prospect arises from the faults of their government, and not their ownhas no connexion with their own idleness, selfishness, and profligacy. Persons who are determined to live by their wits, and are indifferent as to the mode in which they employ them, will try, amongst other schemes, those of sedition, and will find them gainful and as long as the present habits continue, they will never be without such a mass of ill-tempered but easily moulded clay to work upon, as shall oppose a formidable medium of re sistance against government and good order.

Earnestly therefore do we call upon every one concerned with

the manufacturing districts to promote the consummation of this work; to point out, by clear and intelligible addresses and pamphlets, the real cause of the present embarrassments, and the only method by which their future and frequent recurrence can be avoided. Thus much at least is favourable to the cause, that the manufacturers have not hitherto, like the peasants, been accustomed to depend upon the rates as their regular fund of supply. Their improvidence has rather been thoughtless than systematic and calculating; they will not therefore discard the advice which exhorts them to save, as the interested counsel of a contributor to the rates, rather than of the promoter of their dearest interests. Such, however, most emphatically, is the man who would teach them prudence. Experience has shown that whoever has once prevailed upon his neighbour to look forward towards the future with the view of providing for it, has advanced that man one important step towards a fundamental change in his character as a rational and an immortal being. The same selfishness, the same eagerness after immoral gratification, leads to a disregard of the future in this world and in another.

For this reason, it is absolutely essential that the moral reform should be founded on the religious reform: and that the provision of churches, which it was the first object of this article to enforce, should precede every other. Nor is it enough to pass a bill, like that now in progress through the House, to facilitate the building of episcopal chapels. Such expedients do "but skin and film the ulcerous place:" the disease still "infects unseen," and is the more dangerous for that very reason. Even if it were possible to expect that four fifths of a parish shall generally consent to tax themselves for the object proposed, the main point is the subdivision of parishes, and the augmentation of the number of parochial ministers. The measure is strictly a public measure, and should be done by the public: soldiers are not left to build their own barracks, nor are merchants expected to subscribe for a custom-house.

Should a willingness discover itself on the part of the legislature to set the example, and promote the means of a general reformation, we should dwell with pleasure on that agreeable prospect in Mr. J. A. Yates's Letter:

'Whilst our present stagnation of trade, and its consequent inconveniences, are operating to bring about a better state of moral feeling in the country, we may calculate upon a gradual diminution of suffering, and a melioration of the condition of the lower orders of society, resulting from the necessity of economy, mutual good offices, forbearance, and sympathy amongst all ranks; which will operate much more effectually than any legislative interference. The rich have discovered with concern, that they have not been building on a solid

foundation; and that they must, in order to preserve what remains of their property and credit, exchange speculation and extravagance for habits of frugality and moderation. The poor must also open their eyes to the conviction that they have gratified a degree of sensuality and indulgence that was not the best calculated to promote the comfort of their families, and their own permanent welfare; and that they may live more happily, and as well as their fathers lived, upon half the weekly wages which they squandered, during the season of prosperity, in drunkenness and other follies and vices. The farmers, generally, having indulged for years past in those gratifications which that class of the community did not aspire to in former periods, and which the same class in other countries of Europe do not enjoy, may retrench without any evil to themselves or their landlords; and the landowners, by being compelled to live more in the midst of their tenantry, will equally benefit themselves, their dependents, and the community at large. If the weavers, who have hitherto so generally pursued their labours in large factories, are induced to return to their cottages, on account of the low rates of wages, and to carry on their business in the midst of their families, they will not be less industrious or useful workmen. Their employers, the great body of manufacturers, will discover that their future success and security depends upon their taking pains to enlighten the understandings of those whom they employ, and to inculcate a love of strict honesty and temperance, of all the domestic duties, and of religious habits, as the only effectual means of making them good servants, and guarding them against the impressions of ignorant and designing persons. Both merchants and manufacturers may become convinced that their too eager pursuit of riches has fostered selfish passions, and habits of luxury and excess, which must be corrected; and while prudence leads them to pursue their avocations with more regulated industry and habits, they may not only find trade flourish more steadily, but that the virtues of disinterestedness and a generous regard to the feelings of others, are worth purchasing at the expense of enormous wealth and influence. Thus it is that all orders, in adapting themselves to the altered state of things, will establish their own interests upon better principles, at the same time that they all promote the true welfare of those with whom they are connected. As the respective classes of society begin to reap once more the fruits of their industry, upon this amended system, they will become more virtuous and truly enlightened; the mutual dependence of the high and the low, the connexion of the Government and the People, will be better understood, and the social system re-established on a more solid basis." (Letter, p. 79-81.)

We cannot conclude without recommending both the publications at the head of our article to the attentive perusal of our readers.

ART. XII.-Memoirs of the Life and Writings of the Rev. Claudius Buchanan, D. D. late Vice-Provost of the College of Fort William, in Bengal. By the Rev. Hugh Pearson, M. A. of St. John's College, Oxford. 2 vols. 8vo. pp. 781, Parker. Oxford, 1817.

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LORD BACON, as Mr. Pearson observes, expresses his surprise that those of his " Own age should have so little value for what they enjoy as not more frequently to write the lives of eminent men." And this complaint, like many other of that distinguished person, has tended to cure the evil of which he complains. Certain it is, that no charge of this kind can fairly be brought against the present time. The fault of our own days is, evidently, not that of overlooking or forgetting the incidents in the lives of our distinguished contemporaries, but rather of raking into them with impertinent curiosity-not of passing by the eminent, but of unduly exalting the insignificant-not of shrowding the excellencies of the great, but of blazoning the follies by which their virtues have been disfigured. If the luminaries of science and virtue were suffered to rise and set unnoticed upon the horizon of our predecessors, we are disposed, on the contrary, to mark, with the most laborious exactness, every spot on their disk, and every variation in their course.

Such, however, being the character of the age as to Biography, one result will necessarily be the deterioration of this branch of literature. Where all write freely, many will write ill. Those, therefore, who have little time for any books, and none at all for bad ones, cannot but feel somewhat anxious when they see two new octavo volumes of this kind laid upon their table. And, amongst the questions they will be first tempted to ask, upon such an occasion, will be these, "Who is the subject of these Memoirs, and who is the author of them?" Now, as we conceive it to be our peculiar duty to ease the public shoulders, when unusually pressed, we shall begin by giving our readers sufficient information upon these points, to satisfy them of the general expediency of proceeding any further with the work.

Dr. Buchanan, then, is, as we think, and as is observed by the author before us, peculiarly suited to become the subject of a biographical memoir by that union of public and private interest in the circumstances of his life, which recommends it to the consideration of all classes of the community-by possessing enough of what is public in his character to give weight to petty incidents in his history-and enough of what is domestic to throw a softer colouring over the dry chronicle of public events. He acted a very conspicuous part in the society of which he was a member.

His writings have been very popular. He was so decidedly the first and most distinguished individual, who called the public attention to the moral condition of our sixty millions of fellow subjects in India-who turned into that neglected soil the ploughshare of civilization-who laid there the foundation of our National Church, and planted, amidst temples of licentiousness and blood, the standard of the cross, that to him fairly belongs the character of the first apostle of the Church of England to the nations of Asia. His domestic life also is very interesting. His mind is fairly turned out to the public. Its changes and progress are accurately delineated. A large mass of his private papers and letters, composed in a high style of excellence, are preserved, and here given to the public.

Of Mr. Pearson's pretensions to become the author of this memoir none will doubt, who consider the general reputation of this gentleman in the University of which he is a member-who remembers that he was the gainer of a prize proposed to that University by Mr. Buchanan, on the subject of civilizing and evangelizing the East-and who will further take the trouble of perusing the following extract:

"With respect to his own undertaking, the author has only to state, that he engaged in it at the request of the family and friends of Dr. Buchanan. They were, doubtless, induced to place this task in his hands from the circumstance of his having some years since had occasion to consider the great subject to which the life of that excellent man was devoted, which led to a subsequent acquaintance with him. And though he has to regret that his intercourse with Dr. Buchanan was less frequent and intimate than he wished, it tended greatly to increase that lively interest in his character, which the previous knowledge of his history had excited. He felt also that he owed a debt of gratitude and service to his memory, which he was anxious to have an opportunity of discharging; and however inadequately he may have acquitted himself of this obligation, he trusts that his intention will be approved; and that the following work, thus designed to record the excellencies of a benefactor and a friend, to adopt the affectionate apology of a Roman biographer, Professione pietatis aut laudatus erit, aut excusatus.'" (Preface, p. x. xi.)

We conceive it to be a circumstance not a little favourable to Mr. Pearson's pretensions as a Biographer, that he was enough connected with the subject of his memoir to gain an accurate knowledge of facts, and not enough to be under any very strong temptation to distort or conceal them. He has been near enough, and not too near the object he paints; near enough for accuracy, but not too near for impartiality. And we should have little doubt, from the internal testimony of the work, if we had not the fullest guarantee in the integrity of Mr. Pearson