College Examinations:-Military Seminary, Addiscombe-East-India Col- lege, Haileybury 245, 331 38, 94, 119, 164, 230 163 53, 117, 181, 249 53, 117, 182, 249 53, 182, 249 53, 117, 182, 249 .......... Home Miscellaneous Intelligence ..... Retirements, &c. from the Company's Service in England Promotions, &c. in H.M. Forces serving in the East Coronation Brevet :-Company's Army-Queen's Army India Shipping Intelligence .... Prices of European Goods in the East THE ASIATIC JOURNAL. MAY-AUGUST, 1838. REVIEW OF EASTERN NEWS. No. V. It is painful to read the accounts, which each month's intelligence brings, of the misery occasioned by dearth in various parts of the British territories in India, especially in the Upper Provinces. In Europe, we can scarcely form a correct notion of the intensity of the distress produced by such a cause, or of its immense range. Amongst a population which subsists wholly upon grain, a scarcity of that indispensable article is infinitely more destructive than in countries where the human appetite is under no restraint as to food. When to this consideration we add, that the people of the East take little or no thought for the morrow; that they have no snug hoard reserved for a period of calamity, few or no moveables that can be parted with, no benefit societies, no workhouses, no public charities, and that private benevolence is a virtue almost unknown in India; that the prospect of a famine tempts the mercantile classes of the natives to buy up the grain for the purpose of extortion, and thus create an artificial dearth,--the condition of the poor at such a time must be miserable indeed. The details given in the various communications from the interior of India (p. 20),—that the country is in a dreadful state; that starvation and misery prevail to a frightful extent; that the wretched people are flying, they know not whither-but from home, there they must die-are, probably, rather under-drawn than exaggerated. Nor does there appear to exist, in this case, that mitigation which is derived from a conviction that the distress is but transient, for there is a probability of the spring crop failing in some parts. It is fortunate that Lord Auckland is now traversing some of the districts where this suffering prevails: whilst he will be in a better condition to apply all practicable remedies, his presence may check the artificial causes of scarcity. The political affairs of British India remain in statu quo. Some rumours are abroad (p. 33) respecting a supposed coalition between the new king of Burmah, the rajah of Nepaul, and the emperor of China, against the English; but they rest on no authority, and the fact is quite improbable. There appears to have been a gallant affair in Shekhawattee (p. 23), in which our troops distinguished themselves in the assault of some of the hillforts in that quarter. The peculiar constitution of the petty states of ShekAsiat.Jour.N.S.VOL.26, No.101. B hawattee, forming a kind of confederation (which is admirably described by Colonel Tod, in his Annals of Rajasthan), is calculated to keep alive the desultory species of warfare which occupies the attention of Major Forster. Moolvee Gholam Yehiah Khan, who was formerly the king of Oude's vakeel, or chargé d'affairs, with the resident, has been appointed minister at Lucknow, in the place of Hakeem Mehndi Ali Khan. The king's health is still precarious. One of the most prominent topics of domestic intelligence at Calcutta, is the grand anniversary dinner, on the 9th February, to celebrate the Liberation of the Press (p. 14), which was most appropriately timed, occurring, as it did, on the eve of Sir Charles Metcalfe's departure. The encomiums passed on the public and private conduct of that gentleman are by no means exaggerated. He is truly one of those eminent public men, whom (to use Mr. Canning's words) the government of British India has "first educated for itself, and then given to the country." If we may judge from the following passage in Sir Charles's reply to the Agra address, he is not indisposed to take part in home affairs, for which he is well qualified : "You speak of happiness and usefulness. Happiness, with the blessing of the Almighty, I have no doubt of enjoying in the society of affectionate relatives and friends; and in the delights of reading aud retirement. Of the power of public usefulness, I have no expectation and great doubt. The only tempting theatre for public exertion is Parliament, where the great interests of the country are promoted and marred. But the violence of party spirit to which the welfare of the empire is often sacrificed, the uselessness of any one whose only party is his country, the want of a local reputation and influence, the corrupt practices of candidates and voters, and the utter ruin to moderate means of contested elections, make a formidable array of obstacles against any attempt to push myself into the imperial senate, even if I could suppose that I might be of any utility there. The retirement, therefore, of private life, where no doubt the greatest happiness is to be found, seems to be my future destiny. I shall, nevertheless, be ready to take a part in public affairs, whenever I am called by duty, or in other words, whenever I have an opportunity of being useful; for I consider it to be the duty of every man to serve his country to the utmost of his ability; and, if ever I become a public man in England, my long attachment to India will naturally lead me to exert myself for her welfare and benefit, and for her permanent union with the British empire in the ties of mutual interest-the only security for mutual affection." Comparisons are always invidious, but we, nevertheless, cannot forbear remarking the ungracious manner in which Mr. Macaulay was suffered to leave the shores of India. What was the reason? Mr. Macaulay, the official framer of what is termed the "Black Act." By whom was he required to prepare it? By Lord William Bentinck. By whom was this execrable Act adopted and put in force? By Sir Charles Metcalfe! The article (p. 8), on " Suicides in Central India," will surprise persons in Europe who were not aware of the scale on which this crime is perpetrated in India. The number and the absurd causes of these suicides, shew how erroneous is the theory which attributes them to atmospheric causes : "suicide," it is justly remarked, "is not the result of climate, but of morals." Schools and presses for purposes of elementary instruction are making progress in the interior (p. 25); these are the implements by which the vices of the Hindus must be eradicated. Moral blemishes are the growth everywhere of ignorance and misgovernment. The Gyannaneshun, a well-written Hindu paper, has an article (p. 1), on the Pilgrim Tax, which is not undeserving of notice: it shows that the minds of the best-informed natives are not quite in that passive state, in respect to this subject, which many persons in this country suppose. A project has been acted upon at Calcutta (p. 14), of transporting bodies of Hill Dhangars, or Coolies, of the Ramghur and Khole districts, to British Guiana, as field-labourers. Since much ignorance and prejudice appear to prevail, both in England and abroad, on this subject-as industrious attempts are making to raise a popular outcry against the measure -and as we think we can perceive that there are writers of the Swiss character at work on this question, we think it advisable to contribute the little light which it is in our power to throw upon it. No one will suspect us of being advocates of slavery, or any thing like it; but we shall not be deterred, by the fear of having this charge flung in our teeth, from endeavouring to prevent falsehood from usurping the guise of truth. The general notion here is, that this scheme is a species of kidnapping; that innocent natives of India are, contrary to their inclination, conveyed by force or artifice on board ship, of which they have a horror, and, crammed like negroes in a Brazilian slaver, are condemned to waste their lives in bondage in the West Indies, subject to all the horrors of the fetter, the cart-whip, and the gaol. Now, what are the facts? These Dhangars are a race of Kholes-of those men who, six or seven years back, were at open war with the Indian Government, whose atrocities in the Ramghur and Chota Nagpore districts called down upon them the severe vengeance of our Government. They have been repeatedly since engaged in murder, pillage, and devastation of their peaceable neighbours, and some are now (p. 19) in insurrection. They have no regular occupation, and no fixed abode, but are ready to take service any where the more desperate, as soldiers or dacoits; the more orderly and industrious, as porters or agricultural labourers. So much for the character of these men. Now for the other part of the story. These Dhangars engage voluntarily in service, and are not particular where it leads them, having few prejudices. They have freely embarked, in large bodies, for the Mauritius; and, though the existing laws are, perhaps, sufficient to punish any attempt at oppression, the Indian Legislature has passed a special act for their protection (p. 4), by which it is provided that, before any such men can be embarked, even with their own consent, on a contract of service, a permit must be obtained from a government-officer, who must see the contract in writing (both in English and in the native tongue of the men), which must specify the nature and term of the service (the latter must not exceed five years), and the wages, and contain a stipulation that the men shall be conveyed back to the port of embarkation, free of charge, at the expiration of the service; if more than twenty embark on one ship, the officer is empowered to refuse a permit, unless he is satisfied that sufficient accommodation, food, and medical attendance are provided for them, and he is to keep a register of the natives who contract for service, and of the parties with whom they engage. In short, every possible precaution has been taken to prevent any abuse of this new species of emigration. At the port of arrival, these men will be as free as in their native country, entitled to be protected as free British subjects, and may, perhaps, be regarded by the local authorities with a certain degree of partiality, which the circumstances of their case would justify. What, then, can be the ground of the clamour which has been raised against this measure? It is asked, Why should the Guiana planters require more labourers?-they will have their free negroes. But is it unreasonable that they should desire to provide against the possible contingency of a combination amongst these negroes, and a refusal to work but at exorbitant rates? The market for out-of-door labour in the West Indies is not in the same natural and wholesome state as in England, where, if a party of mechanics or of farmers' servants demand higher wages than their masters choose to give, the latter may easily obtain others. This is, in fact, an attempt, on the part of the planters, to place the labour-market of Guiana in a natural state. Again, we say, it is difficult to understand why such a clamour should be raised against a measure which violates no principle of justice, which has for its apparent object, at least, a benefit to both the contracting parties, and the abuse of which seems to be provided against by all the safeguards which human foresight can devise. We can perceive no better reason for the clamour, than that the measure was suggested by Mr. Gladstone, who is an influential Liverpool Tory! We have, indeed, great doubts as to the policy of the measure, with reference to the planters. We suspect that they will find these Coolies troublesome persons to deal with; that jealousies will arise between them and the negroes, and that the law will prove too weak to enforce the contract where one of the parties think it their interest to violate it. This is, however, quite a different question. The Sumachur Durpun gives the following account of the continuance of human sacrifices in Burdwan :-" It would be a dereliction of duty, if we were to remain any longer silent under the accumulated rumours which are spreading through the country, of human sacrifices perpetrated in the neighbouring districts of Burdwan. We received a native communication a few weeks back, which distinctly asserted the fact, but were withheld from publishing it, because it appeared utterly improbable that such atrocities could be perpetrated under the eye of the Supreme Government. But when we find that a conviction of the truth of these assertions begins to take possession of the minds of the public functionaries, it becomes necessary to bring the matter to public notice, with the view of securing an |