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Land Bill.

[April 25, 1836.


ation in the Senate, and which gives each of them two extent, under our form of Government; otherwise, the electoral votes in addition to their number of represent. | large and the small States would not be equally repreatives in the other House of Congress, That if the distri- sented in the Senate. If representation is io be the cri. bution principle was to be adopted, he could not think it terion, that criterion, under our constitution, should be proper, under existing circumstances, to look upon the the representation in both Houses of Congress, as he States as counties, and wholly disregard their rights as (Mr. W.) proposed. If taxation was to be the criterion, equal members of this great confederacy. That the direct taxation would furnish no practical rule on the principle proposed by him, whilst it did not divide the subject. Direct taxation was one only of the modes of moneys equally among the States, yet was a nearer ap- supporting this Government-a most unusual one-and proach to equaliiy than the proposition embraced in the Mr. W. thought it probable would never be resorted to bill as it now stands. Mr. W. then proceeded to show again. The “ usual general charge” upon the States what States would be the gainers by this amendment, is the tariff; and this does not operate in proportion to specifying the exact amount for each State. He said population. the proportion of Mississippi would be nearly doubled, Whilst, Mr. W. said, he was no believer in the forty and that of little Delaware, nearly tripled.

bale theory,” yet he proceeded to prove that, under the Mr. CLAYTON returned his thanks to the gentleman | tariff system, ihe exporting States bear more than their from Mississippi for his kind intentions towards little proportion of the charges of conducting the GuvernDelaware, though she would be very glad to get the ment; it affects them both as consumers and exporters, proportion allotted to her in the shape it came from the whilst those States that expori nothing are affected as committee. Should any member in favor of little Dela. consumers only. Jr. W. then pointed to that clause of ware come before them on a future occasion, he would the bill which proposed to distribute the proceeds of the be happy to receive the gentleman's support; but, for sales of the lands in 1840 and 1841, according to the the present, he must beg to decline his proffered kind- last census, whereas they should, according to the theo

The bill gave to Delaware her proportion; not ry of the bill, be distributed according to the next cenaccording to the ratio of her representation in the other sus, which will greatly increase the share of Mississippi, House; not according to the number of her Senators and and ought to be done if the present ratio was retained. Representatives in both Houses; but apportioned her Mr. NILES made some remarks in favor of the share of the distribution on the basis of her federal popu- amendment. He said these lands were ceded as a com. lation, which was the only true and just principle of dis. mon fund, to pay the debts of the confederation and tribution. With this Delaware would be satisfied. carry on the war; and if they were considered a fund

Mr. CLAY opposed the amendment, as not in accordo belonging to the States, there was much reason to beance with the provisions of the deed of cession from the lieve they belonged to them as sovereignties; but if they State of Virginia, declaring that the lands given by were the exclusive property of the Union, then there lier should be held for the common benefit of all the

was an arbitrary power in the Government over their States then in the Union, and those that might thereaf- distribution. He regarded the whole scheme as an inter come into it; and that the distribution should be direct system of internal improvement, and in carrying made in proportion 10 the burdens borne, respectively, it out a regard ought to be had to the distribution by the several States, of the general expenses of the among the States according to their respective wants Government. The amendment, therefore, of the Sen. and necessities; they ought to give the most to those ator from Mississippi would be unconstitutional; the that needed it most. Some States had just commenced only true principle of distribution, complying with the their internal improvements, and would need more than terms of the deed of cession, was on the basis of federal others. The State of New York had fivished hers, and population.

would not need any assistance. If there was any prinMr. WALKER replied, disclaiming any disrespectful ciple in this bill, it was in favor of this amendment. The reference to Delaware, and eulogizing her valor and pa- States had formerly stood upon equal footing, and little triotism at the period of the Revolution. He said thai if Delaware then stood up as an equal with Virginia. He the distribution proposed by him violated the terms of belonged to one of the small States, and was opposed to cession, so did this bill; for it proposed to give a certain the whole scheme; but if they were to be bought up, additional per centage of the proceeds of these lands to be wanted as high a price as he could get. some States, and not to others. Mr. W. denied that his Mr. CLAYTON referred to the deed of cession from proposition violated the terms of the compact. These the State of Virginia, to show that the principle con. ierms (admitting even that they remained in force after tained in the amendment was unconstitutional. The the adoption of the constitution) did not grant these deed of cession required that the distribution of the fund Jands as a common fund to the several States in propor- arising from these lands should be made according to tion to their population, but upon a different ratio, name. the respective proportion contributed by them of the ly, in proportion to “their usual respective proportions general charges and expenditures of the Government. in the general charge and expenditure.” Now, (said Mr. Now, could the gentleman from Mississippi tell him that W.,) the usual general charge” in carrying on this Mississippi and Delaware paid a proportion of the exGovernment, is not in proportion to population. The penses of the Government equal to the proportion of exporting States, of which Mississippi is one of the their Senators and Representatives in Congress? and if largest, bear a proportion in sustaining this Government, not, how the distribution proposed by his amendment both in war and in peace, far beyond their population. (taking the additional amount given to these two States In war they bear nearly the whole pecuniary burden; from the other States) would be just? Now, the apporfor their great staple fulls to a mere nominal price, tionment on the basis of federal population was the only whilst home manufactures rise in value; and in peace, just one, because it was on that basis that the direct the tariff, from which we derive our revenue, whilst it taxes were apportioned. Mr. C., after taking a view of is thought to aid the manufactures of the North, de the two messages of the President recommending a dispresses the value of the Southern staples. In any point tribution of the surplus revenue on the basis of federal of view, the charges upon the people of the Union are population, and reading copious extracts from it, said not in proportion to population. It is true, direct taxes that the distribution on that basis, as recommended by are in proportion to the federal population, and we are the President, was the only just one, and that he heartily told taxation and representation go together; but taxa- | agreed in opinion with him. By apportioning the distribution and representation do not go together, in their full tion according to the representation in the other House,

APRIL 26, 1836.]



Delaware would be treated with great injustice, because Mr. PORTER observed, in reply to Mr. Wetken, that she had but one Representative, and wanted but a frac- as the Senator from Mississippi had not given any pledge tion of population, according to the apportionment of to vote either for or against the bill, he was still open to Representatives, to entitle her to two; while a distribu- conviction, and he hoped he might be induced to go for tion, according to the number both of Senators and Rep. it. Now, he bad made up his mind to vote for the bill, resentatives, would give Delaware three shares, though and, being friendly to it, he dreaded the effect the she was entitled to but two, or nearly two, and would amendment would have in the other House. In the Senbe unjust to the large Slates.

ate the small States were strong, but in the other House Mr. WALKER said he had not said the additional per the tables would be turned; there will (said Mr. P.) bc centage was unequal; he had only said it was not, according forty to one against us. He therefore could not vote to the proposed ratio of federal population, and, there- for the amendment, as he believed it would defeat the fore, if this ratio could be departed from in the one case, bill. it could in the other, as proposed by him, (Mr. W.) Mr. BLACK observed that he had carefully examined That the distinguished Senator from Kentucky [Mr. , the deed of cession from the State of Virginia, and was CLAY) must be liard pressed for argument when he ral- satisfied, after full reflection, that the amendment of his lied the friends of the bill against a just amendment, by colleague conflicted with its provisions. He was therc. siying it had emanated from him, (Mr. W.,) an fore compelled to vote against it. enemy of the bill. Mr. W. said it was true he bad feared

The question was here taken on Mr. Walker's the policy of the bill was to defeat pre-emption laws, to amendment, and it was rejected: Yeas 6, nays 37, as keep up the price of the public lands, to keep up the follows: tariff on the lands of the West, whilst it was reduced in YEAS—Messrs. Benton, Ewing of Illinois, Linn, Niles, all other cases; and that he had deeply lamented the Robinson, Walker-6. failure for the present of this amendment reducing the Nays-Messrs. Black, Brown, Buchanan, Clay, Clay. price for four forty-acre lots in favor of actual settlers ton, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Davis, Goldsborough, only, which would have greatly benefited the poor man Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hubbard, Kent, King of Ala. and the actual cultivator of the soil. But, he had not bama, King of Georgia, Knight, Leigh, McKean, Man. told the Senate how he should now vote. Since this gum, Moore, Morris, Naudain, Nicholas, Porter, Prenbill was introduced, the old Siates had, he feared, be- / tiss, Preston, Rives, Robbins, Shepley, Southard, Swift, come more and more rigid in regard to the settlers in Tallmadge, Tomlinso!, Webster, White, Wright--37. the new States-ibat they were now opposing pre-emp. The Senate then adjourned. tions as well as a reduction of the price. That as regards the settlers, the speeches of gentlemen in their

Tuesday, April 26. favor were very good things; but when gentlemen spoke

TEXAS. one way for the settlers, and voted another way against them, their speeches amounted to less than nothing. Mr. MORRIS presented the proceedings of a large That no provision, as regards any ratio of distribution and respectable meeting of the citizens of Cincinnati, was designated by the constitution; and that to disregard on the subject of the struggle for freedom now going the representation of the States in the Senate altogether, on in Texas, and suggesting the expediency of acknowl. was to make an approach towards breaking down the edging the independence of that country. Mr. M. asked State sovereignties and consolidating the Government. that the proceedings might be read, and referred to the

Mr. W. said there were peculiar reasons why the Committee on Foreign Relations. principle of distribution which he proposed now might Mr. KING, of Alabama, suggested to the Senator be very just at this period, and yet not constitute a stand from Ohio, whether it was not going too far, in the ing precedent. All the new States (but one) are small present aspect of the affairs of Texas, to refer these States, whose fund would be increased by the principle proceedings to a committee. However strong, he said, he proposed to adopt; and that this would be only re- our feelings might be in favor of these unfortunate men turning to the people of the new States, who paid into who were struggling for the preservation of their dearyour Treasury nearly all this fund, a large ratable pro- est rights, as well as for their very existence, and how. portion of the moneys paid by themselves. Mr. W. said

ever deep our abhorrence and detestation of the cruel if he had proposed to divide ihis Sund equally among all, and tyrannical conduct of their invaders, yet he thought the States, without regard to population, there might be that the acknowledgment of their independence at this soine ground to complain; but when his proposed distri. time, or the adoption of any measure looking to it, bution adopted the compound ratio of representation in seemed to be premature. He admitted there was a both Houses, fixed by the constitution, it would come strong feeling on this subject pervading every portion much nearer to a just basis, under existing circumstances, of this country, and it was natural that it should. The than the last or the next census.

people of this country could not but deeply sympathize Mr. CLAY said that the gentleman from Mississippi, with those who were contending for the dearest rights it was true, offered strong inducements to Delaware to of man, and must necessarily feel a powerful sense of obtain the support of her Senators to his amendment, indignation at the blood-stained atrocities which bad and, these failing, he had offered another, by way of marked the desolating progress of their cruel oppressors. compliment to her Senator, and that had also failed—the This was all very natural; but for the Senate to interfere Senator from Delaware's sense of justice outweighing in the present state of affairs, he thought was premaall other considerations. The gentleman referred to the ture; and he suggested to the gentleman from Ohio, inequality in the bill which gave the 12 per cent to the whether the best course would not be to lay the pronew States. Now, if the Senator's sense of justice to. ceedings on the table. wards the old States was so strong as to induce him to Mr. WALKER said that he hoped the motion to lay move to strike out this provision, and he could get the these proceedings upon the table would not prevail; gentleman from the other new States lo agree with bim, that such a course would not be expressive of the sense he (Mr. C.) did not know that he would persist in a de- of the people of the United States; that the sympathies sire to retain it. Mr. C. then went on to show that the of the American people were deeply excited in regard distribution according to the basis of federal population to the situation of Texas; that there were thousands of was the only just one, and urged the Senate not io adopt American citizens invited by Mexico to participate in the amendment, as going to defeat the bill.

the blessings of a federal Government and of free insti


Duties on Imports--Land Bill.

[APRIL 26, 1836.

tutions--invited to settle the wilderness and defend the like duties, together; but some kinds of merchandise Mexicans against the then frequent incursions of a sav. were mixed in their character, being made of different age foe, and now attempted to be trodden down be- materials, as of cot!on and wool, silk and wool, or cotton neath the feet of the most sanguinary despot and usurper and silk, and thus it became difficult sometimes to assign that had ever disgraced the annals of the world; that, such articles to their proper class. in point of fact, Santa Anna and his priests and merce It had so proved in regard to lead, which, in its unnaries were the rebels, and not the people of Texas; manufactured state, was subject to a heavy duty of three that it was Santa Anna and his party who had prostrated cents a pound, while in some of its manufactured states the federal Government of Mexico, and were now at. it was only liable to fifteen per cent. It was, therefore, tempting to establish upon its ruins a central military immediately introduced in the form of busts, and then despotism; that the people of Texas bad fought for the applied to any purposes for which lead was needed, federal constitution of 1824, and adhered to it until all being substantially, for all purposes, considered as unhope of its preservation had been extinguished; and that manufactured. Yet the courts held that it was manuthen, and then only, when the only alternative presented factured lead in this form of busts, and subject to a duty was to receive the chains of a usurper, or resist unto only of fifteen per cent.

It became necessary to pass death, they had nobly unfurled the flag of independence, an explanatory act, to carry into effect the real purpose resolved to maintain their liberties or perish in the con of the law, by giving suitable protection to the produflict. Nobly, gloriously, had they maintained the une cers of lead, and busts are now on the footing of unmanqual contest; they would perform deeds of valor that ufactured lead. would challenge a comparison with any thing in Greek The bill now introduced is to meet a like unexpected or Roman history. Such men could not be vanquished. construction of the law. The second section of the law, No! the sun was not more certain to set in the western aster providing specific duties for carpets, baizes, &c., horizon, than that Texas would maintain her independ says, “ and upon merino shawls made of wool, all other ence, and that we would acknowledge it. The death manufactures of wool, or of which wool is a component of the murdered heroes at the Alamo, of prisoners of part, and on ready-made clothing, fifty per cent." war massacred in cold blood by the orders of a ruthless Worsted goods were imported into New York, and not tyrant, would call down upon him the vengeance of being otherwise provided for in the act, the collector earth and Heaven. It had excited a thrill of horror decided that they were manufactures of wool, and fell throughout this Union, and was now bringing the evi. under the above provisions. The importer thought dences of public feeling before this body. Let us now, otherwise. He admitted that worsted is made of wool, then, give to these proceedings in favor of Texas that but denied that a cloth made of worsted was a manufacrespectful reference to which they are so justly entitled, ture of wool. He paid the duty, reserving to himself and which, whilst it does not now violate the neutrality the right to sue for the excess, and recover it back. of this Government, will cheer onward, in the hour of the suit was instituted, and has lately been decided in gloom and danger, a people who are imitating the exam the Supreme Court of the United States; and although ple of the patriots of our own Revolution, and whose we all here, when the law was made, believed what was destiny will be the same.

made of wool was a manufacture of wool, yet the court Mr. MORRIS was well assured that this was a ques- decided that worsted cloth was not a manufacture of tion of great delicacy, and that they should proceed with wool, and therefore that worsted sbawls were not emmuch caution. He agreed with his friend from Missis. braced in the provision referred to. Having thus decisippi that the public mind was much excited on the sub. ded, it became necessary to determine what duty such ject, and that the sympathies of our people were deeply goods must pay. No specific provision for them could roused in favor of the suffering Texians. As a citizen, be found, and the question was admitted to be full of individually, he accorded fully with the feelings express difficully; they were, however, assigned a place among ed in the proceedings of this meeting, but as an Ameri- certain silk goods. The object of this bill is only to can Senator he felt that he ought to act with some cau. restore the legitimate purpose and meaning of the act of tion. He believed that the people of Cincinnati spoke 1832; otherwise injustice will doubtless be done to both the united voice of the whole State, and that their meet. wool grower and manufacturer, as goods will be contriing would be followed by other meetings, not only in ved for various purposes, and be extensively introduced Ohio, but in every part of the Union. He was willing under this construction of the law. Having thus exto lay the proceedings on the table for the present, as plained his object, he would move that the bill be refersuggested by the Senator from Alabama, and the more red to the Committee on Manufactures, and hoped for so, as he had been informed that similar memorials would their speedy action upon it. be presented from other parts of the United States, The bill was then read a second time, and referred to when the Senate, having the sentiments of the country the Committee on Manufactures. more generally expressed, might think proper to call up

LAND BILL. the proceedings, and act on them. The proceedings were then laid on the table.

The Senate proceeded to consider the bill to appro.

priate, for a limited term, the proceeds of the public DUTIES ON IMPORTS.

lands, &c. Mr. DAVIS, pursuant to leave, introduced a bill to Mr. CLAY rose to address the Senate in support of amend the act entitled “An act to amend the several the bill. He observed that more had been already acts imposing duties on imports;" which was read a first urged, with great ability, in its support, by those who time.

bad preceded him in debate, than was necessary to conMr. D. moved the second reading of the bill, and said vince even the most skeptical of the great benefits to be it required a word of explanation. It would be remem derived from it; and had he consulted the feelings both bered by all that the tariff of imports underwent an en of that body and of himself, he should have remained tire revision in 1832. It would be seen that, in passing silent, acquiescing in what had been said in behalf of such a law, it was not convenient to enumerate all arti. this measure. But regarding it as one of great and uncles of merchandise, as it would render an act 100 volu mixed public good, conducive in all its results to the minous. Articles of merchandise were, therefore, as benefit of this whole country, he could not reconcile it far as they conveniently could be, classed. In doing to a sense of duty to leave the burden of the argument this, it brought goods of like character, and subject to on his friends, able as they had shown themselves to be.

APRIL 26, 1836.]

Land Bill.


It was possible that he might, on this occasion, pre- ed to the means of these banks, and compared them sent some views to the Senate that were new, or that he with their immediate liabilities, they would find that might have the power to exhibit those already offered in there was very little to encourage the idea of the Sena. a new light, so as to induce a more favorable opinion for tor from New York that all was safe and prosperous. what had not been sufficiently considered. It was for They had collected from the people of the United this purpose, therefore, that he ventured to intrude States about forty millions of dollars, and placed it in upon the time of the Senate. His friend from New these thirty-four deposite banks, which gave them no Jersey who sat in front of him (Mr. SOUTHARD] had interest and no security for the return of the capital. been reproached by the Senator from New York (Mr. | They could give in fact no security, for if the Secretary Wright) with having endeavored to create alarru in the of the Treasury were to take bonds from them, he public mind, and to destroy its confidence in the circu- would do so without the authority of law, and the bonds lation of the country, at a moment when it was essential

would be therefore void. This money, thus deposited that the public property should be rendered secure. in these banks, was loaned out, a considerable portion The man who endeavored to disturb a just confidence of it, to the people of the United States; and the means deserved the highest degree of reprobation; but his of returning this sum collected from the whole people fault was not greater than that committed by him who consisted of the notes of those to whom it had been endeavored to inspire a confidence where confidence loaned, and who these were was not even known to the was not due. He put it to gentlemen, whether the sen. Secretary of the Treasury himself. Thus this vast sum tinel at his post was most culpable who concealed the

was loaned out by banks, acting without authority, to approach of danger, or the one who announced it when persons unknown to the Secretary; and in the case of it was not near. He would not charge the Senator an explosion, the loss to the Treasury would be in profrom New York with treachery when he endeavored to portion to the extent of that explosion. This had actuimpress on the public mind the belief that all was safe ally occurred, or something like it, after the close of and prosperous, as that Senator had endeavored to do. the last war, and caused the unavailable funds which Still, the public treasure was not in such a condition as were now in the Treasury. But if such a pressure warranted the Senator in making such representations;

were to occur as took place about the year 1819-want and if he could, he would inspire him with one deep of confidence, or a large export of specie for the wants and constant apprehension of its security. His friend of commerce, or a failure of the crops, or a great rehad also been reproached, and with litile justice, he duction of prices of the great southern staple--if the thought, with having indulged in party acrimony. This banks became affected by any one of these canses, the reproach was altogether unmerited. His friend had loss to the Treasury would be far greater than was to drawn a picture, å just picture, of the state of the the public in 1819. Look now to the state of the curTreasury, and referred to the powers assumed over it rency; confidence in it was already diminishing, and exby the Executive. He did not say that the powers as

changes were greatly deranged, while bank issues had sumed had been abused by the President or by those enormously increased. All this had arisen from the unabout him--he trusted that it would not be abused; but fortunate controversy with the Bank of the United be thought that all would agree with him that the pow

States. The number of State banks in 1830 was some. ers assumed were utterly ai variance with the liberties | thing like three hundred; and up to January, 1835, they of a free country where a constitution and laws prevail- amounted to nearly seven hundred and fifiy, while the ed. What was the state of the Treasury? According circulation was nearly double what it was in 1830. . He to the returns of the Secretary of the Treasury, last had no doubt, if they could get accurate accounts, that brought in, there were upwards of forty millions of pub- the present circulation would be found to be upwards lic money in about thirty-four banks created by State of a undred millions, and the number of banks eight authority, composed of money which still belonged to hundred, all of them without law and without responsithe public, part of it being at the credit of its disbursing bility to the United States. Was this a state of things officers, which, with the seven millions of United in which the Senator from New York could place himStates Bank stock, made a total sum of about forty mil- self on the watchi-tower and cry that all was safe? lions. The banks in which these deposites had been When the currency was wrested from the power of made had an amount of specie of about eleven millions Congress, where was it transferred? It was not even in of dollars, and their total immediate liabilities amounted the possession of the States; it was in the possession of to about the sum of ninety-three millions, their immedi- these thirty-four banks; and the Secretary of the Treasate means amounting to only thirty-eight millions. This ury, whose interest it was that it should be secure, did great sum was held by banks not under the control of

not know to whom they had loaned it. The attention law. He regretted that he had not time to examine the of the Senate had been called by the Senator from Ohio report of the Secretary of the Treasury that came in to a single bank, which had attempted to regulate the that inorning, but he perceived that he commenced in a currency to a certain extent, by prohibiting the land defence and in excuses which ought not to be necessary office from taking the notes of other banks designated on such an occasion. This great sum might be with. by it. And let us see what the Secretary of the Treasdrawn in a moment, at the fiat of the Secretary, and ury has done while Congress is legislating on the subject might be placed all in one bank, or deposited in a place of the currency. In his letter of the 22d February, he which was not a bank; and, without inquiry whether requests these banks (he puts his commands in the form this power might be abused or not, he asked if it was of a request) that, after the 1st of July next, they will not a power too dangerous to be confided to any one not issue notes of a less denomination than five dollars; man? This was the state of things referred to by the and, at a certain period thereafter, that they will disconSenator from New Jersey, and which induced the Sena- linue the issue of notes of a less denomination than ten tor from New York to reproach him with having indulg-dollars. Now, he was not about to inquire into the exed in party feeling. This power was too great to be pediency of discontinuing the circulation of bank notes trusted to any one human being. In any one of the under ten dollars, or into the expediency of making the three hundred and sixty-five days of the year, it was in currency consist of gold and silver only; this might be the power of the Secretary of ihe Treasury to destroy right. It was to the right to exercise this power, withany one of these banks, and thus lead to the explosion out the sanction of Congress, that he should call the atof the paper system, in which the property and credit of tention of ibe Senale. Where did the Secretary derive such vast numbers were involved. Now, if they look. I this power, conferred on Congress alone by the consti


Land Bill.

(April 26, 1836.

tution, and reserved by it from the Executive himself? his scund judgment and discretion, had told them how The power of taxation was not much greater than the much had been expended; and it was evident he was power of determining the thing on which taxes should against this extravagant system, as he had cautiously be paid. Give him the latter power, the right of deter- avoided indicating any sum that could be expended, and mining the modes of taxation, and he could make it supposed they were capable of judging for themselves. nearly equivalent to the power of taxation itself. Now, But this did not suit some gentlemen; and he was called if the Secretary of the Treasury could declare what on again, and it was referred to Colonel Gratiot; and, should be the currency of the country-if he could reg. finally, it was referred to a lieutenant in the service, who ulate these banks without the authority of Congress--this had given it as his opinion that six millions could be expower was capable of being rendered equivalent to the pended. In other cases they had not only the authority tax-laying power.

of the Secretary, but the authority of the President. No man of ordinary prudence and forecast could con. But now the Secretary refers it to the same branch of template the existing state of things without the most the Department, and Congress was asked to expend six serious alarm. It was impossible that they should con millions on the opinion of a lieutenant. There could be tinue; that eight hundred banks should go on, from day no diversity of opinion on this subject. He asked gen. to day, to issue so much paper, and that the twenty-four tlemen to look at the condition of the country now, and sovereignties should submit to it.

It was utterly impos compare it with that period when we defended ourselves sible but that an explosion must come; though when it so successfully against a powerful nation. Our populawould come, he could not pretend to say. They might tion has about doubled since then; we had twelve ships differ there about the cause of it, but come it certainly of the line finished or on the stocks, and an additional would. There was a most unnatural state of things pre- number of frigates, and our whole coast from the Balize sented-abundance on the one hand, and scarcity and to Norfolk was increased in all its fortifications. He adpressure on the other. What was the cause of this pres- verted to the efficient defences of New York and of the sure? One cause was the vast portion of public rev. whole north Atlantic coast, and asked the Senators to enue locked up in the vaults of these banks, or loaned look at the Canada frontier, and compare our resources out by them to persons who might not be able to return and strength there with what it was in 1814, and they it promptly; and, if they looked to the state of the pub. would find it possessed a thousand times the strength it lic pressure, they would find something to support this then did. We had paid off a debt of upwards of a hun. opinion. Where was the greatest pressure at the pres. dred millions, and it was ideal to compare our strength ent moment? It was at the points where the greatest then with what it was now.

The introduction of steam amount of revenue had been collected and deposited power on the father of rivers, the Mississippi, and other that the severest pressure was felt; and of these points navigable rivers, baffled all calculations in figures of our the city of New York, being the greatest both for col- strength. This thing of making these extravagant callection and deposite, they had every reason to believe, culations in regard to fortifications, &c., was nothing but from the accounts received, suffered the most from pe. an effort to get rid of the surplus. Appropriations and cuniary pressure. Let us look, said he, at other points expenditures were not synonymous terms. Appropria--at cilies where the collections were not so great, and ting more than they could expend would only be turning where comparatively little was deposited. Take Louis- another leaf in the leger, and charging it against, instead ville, for example, or any of the cities on the western of leaving it where it stood, to the credit of the Treaswaters. At Louisville, where capital always found a ury. The appropriation of last year could not be exready employment, there was no pressure, and the pended. They might appropriate it as they pleased, and course of exchange demonstrated a state of prosperity they could not expend it; and to leave it where it was, and security Go to Cincinnati, or to any of the south it was in repositories that were insecure and unsafe; and ern cities, and it would be found that ihe measure of the loss of interest while it remained in these banks pressure was equal to the measure of collection. There alone would amount to upwards of two millions per an. was another cause, and that was the want of confidence, num; and, besides the loss of interest, they ran the risk which had caused a severe pressure in the money mar of losing the capital itself. What, then, ought they to ket,

do with it? He answered, distribute it. The fact of this pressure was undeniable; it was se These lands were acquired by cessions from States and vere and alarming, and called loudly for the application by treaties from foreign Powers; and under either mode of Congress of any constitutional means within its power they came under the general powers of Congress. The to relieve this distress. flow was the city of New York lands acquired by cession were ceded in consequence to be relieved from the abstraction of eleven millions of of the revolutionary struggle to pay the debt of the dollars. She was to be relieved from the pressure only Revolution, and to satisfy Maryland, New Jersey, and by the distribution of the money in the public Treasury,

other States, for the extensive waste lands in those which would afford immediate relief; and immediate re States. The President, in his message of 1832, had said lief would be afforded to the banks in that city, and the object for which they were ceded having been acin those other great commercial cities of Philadelphia, complished, they were then subject to the disposal of Baltimore, and Boston. And was it possible Congress Congress, in such way as would best satisfy the several could adjourn without distributing this vast treasure? Stales. The deed of cession from Virginia was prior to Among the scheines devised to dispose of this fund, was the adoption of the present constitution, and Virginia one of making large appropriations for public defence; having been a party to it, it followed that when the and the term public defence had been repeated in their power was concurred in by the ceding States, it was in. ears until every body was sick of hearing it.

iended to be at the disposal of the States. The power In good old times the Commons of England or the to dispose of the thing itself implied the power to dis. Congress of the United States did not go to the Crown pose of the proceeds of i.. In the view he had taken of in the one case, or the Departments of State or the Es. it, under the treaty, the power to dispose of it was unlimecutive in the other, to ask how much they could spend, ited. If any Senator doubted the right of Congress to but cut it down to to the proper sum consis. dispose of the proceeds of the lands in Florida and Lou, .tent with economy.

But now they goaded and harassed isiana, he might move to strike out those proceeds, and the disbursing departments to tell them how much, and they would still have the means of carrying the bill into what was the maximum amount they could spend. The effect. He should be able to satisfy every Senator Secretary of War, in a document highly creditable to there could be no doubt of the power, if they limited it

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