Administration this year was effecting the commercial treaty with France. That country had always been indifferent on this subject; indeed, did not desire such a treaty with the United States. If it was not an advantage to France to be without this treaty, it was certainly of doubtful benefit to her to have it. But the commerce of this country had lost much by the absence of this treaty and the final success of the negotiation was a noteworthy and important event in diplomatic history.

In the summer of 1823 Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Navy, was appointed to the vacant place in the Supreme Court of the United States, and, on the 9th of December, Samuel L. Southard, of New Jersey, was designated for his place in the Cabinet. On the same date John McLean, of Ohio, took the place of Return Jonathan Meigs, resigned, as Postmaster-General.

The position the Administration occupied as to South American affairs rendered the foreign relations of this country somewhat precarious at this time. This matter gave Mr. Monroe no little uneasiness, nor was he able to see at all times how this country could avoid European difficulties on account of her American relations and sentiments.

The forthcoming annual message led to numerous Cabinet meetings, and it was finally the result of many compromise views. The attitude towards South America, the strong American position, and the tone of alarm and defiance assumed by the President were closely discussed in the Cabinet. And Albert Gallatin, who had returned from France, was allowed to pass his opinion on the message before it was finally ready for Congress.

From the outset this Government had been greatly disturbed about tempering its republican principles and practices to the monarchies of Europe.

It is a remarkable feature of American diplomatic relations and polity that such men as Richard Rush, William Wirt, John Quincy Adams, James Monroe, John C. Calhoun, and William H. Crawford are found studying to discover ways of moderating their republican principles to render them void of offense to the monocracies of Europe and their monocratic representatives. The policy of every distinctive republican or American sentiment had to undergo a careful criticism. Under Washington the necessity of this conduct was more apparent, but since that period fortunately the need for or propriety of such usage has gradually disappeared. Under Mr. Jefferson, however, in the twelfth year of the Republic, the opposite extreme of manners was not without its good effects here, while it met no great hindrances from monarchic and aristocratic dislikes abroad.

Mr. Monroe and his Cabinet had in the main taken the safe and politic non-irritating course, not needlessly making a display of the republican and free principles of this country, and holding them up in State papers in comparison with those of governments differently and less favorably organized.

29-E

CHAPTER XXV.

SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE "THE MONROE DOCTRINE"LAST CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS.

ON

N the first day of December, 1823, Congress again assembled. ("First session of the eighteenth Congress.") Mr. Clay now again appeared in Congress, and was elected Speaker of the House by a large majority over Mr. Barbour, the former Speaker.

On the 2d the President delivered his

SEVENTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE of RepresenTATIVES:Many important subjects will claim your attention during the present session, of which I shall endeavor to give, in aid of your deliberations, a just idea in this communication. I undertake this duty with diffidence, from the vast extent of the interests on which I have to treat, and of their great importance to every portion of our Union. I enter on it with zeal, from thorough conviction that there never was a period since the establishment of our Revolution when, regarding the condition of the civilized world and its bearing on us, there was greater necessity for devotion in the public servants to their respective duties, or for virtue, patriotism, and union in our constituents.

Meeting in you a new Congress, I deem it proper to present this view of public affairs in greater detail than might otherwise be necessary. I do it, however, with peculiar satisfaction, from a knowledge that in this respect I shall comply more fully with the sound principles of our Government. The people being with us exclusively the sovereign, it is indispensable that full information be laid before them on all important subjects to enable them to exercise that high power with complete effect. If kept in the

dark, they must be incompetent to it. We are all liable to error, and those who are engaged in the management of public affairs are more subject to excitement, and to be led astray by their particular interests and passions than the great body of our constituents, who, being at home in the pursuit of their ordinary avocations, are calm but deeply interested spectators of events, and of the conduct of those who are parties to them. To the people, every department of the Government and every individual in each are responsible, and the more full their information the better they can judge of the wisdom of the policy pursued, and of the conduct of each in regard to it. From their dispassionate judgment much aid may always be obtained, while their approbation will form the greatest incentive and most gratifying reward for virtuous actions, and the dread of their censure the best security against the abuse of their confidence. Their interests in all vital questions are the same, and the bond by sentiment as well as by interest will be proportionably strengthened as they are better informed of the real state of public affairs, especially in difficult conjunctures. It is by such knowledge that local prejudices and jealousies are surmounted, and that a National policy, extending its fostering care and protection to all the great interests of our Union, is formed and steadily adhered to.

A precise knowledge of our relations with foreign powers, as respects our negotiations and transactions with each, is thought to be particularly necessary. Equally necessary is it that we should form a just estimate of our resources, revenue, and progress in every kind of improvement connected with the National prosperity and public defense. It is by rendering justice to other nations that we may expect it from them. It is by our ability to resent injuries and redress wrongs that we may avoid them.

The Commissioners under the fifth article of the Treaty of Ghent, having disagreed in their opinions respecting that portion of the boundary between the territories of the United States and of Great Britain, the establishment of which had been submitted to them, have made their respective reports, in compliance with that article, that the same might be referred to the decision of a friendly power. It being manifest, however, that it would be difficult, if not impossible, for any power to perform that office without great delay and much inconvenience to itself, a proposal has been made by this Government, and acceded to by that of Great Britain, to endeavor to establish that boundary by amicable

negotiation. It appearing, from long experience, that no satisfactory arrangement could be formed of the commercial intercourse between the United States and the British Colonies in this hemisphere by legislative acts, while each party pursued its own course without agreement or concert with the other, a proposal has been made to the British Government to regulate this commerce by treaty, as it has been to arrange in like manner the just claim of the citizens of the United States inhabiting the States and Territories bordering on the lakes and rivers which empty into the St. Lawrence to the navigation of that river to the ocean. For these and other objects of high importance to the interests of both parties a negotiation has been opened with the British Government which, it is hoped, will have a satisfactory result.

The Commissioners, under the sixth and seventh articles of the Treaty of Ghent, having successfully closed their labors in relation to the sixth, have proceeded to the discharge of those relating to the seventh. Their progress in the extensive survey, required for the performance of their duties, justifies the presumption that it will be completed in the ensuing year.

The negotiation which had been long depending with the French Government on several important subjects, and particularly for a just indemnity for losses sustained in the late wars by the citizens of the United States, under unjustifiable seizures and confiscations of their property, has not as yet had the desired effect. As this claim rests on the same principle with others which have been admitted by the French Government, it is not perceived on what just grounds it can be rejected. A minister will be immediately appointed to proceed to France and resume the negotiation on this and other subjects which may arise between the two nations.

At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the Minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the Minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this Continent. A similar proposal has been made by his Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably