part that State took in the passage of the tariff of 1824.

At this session an appropriation of thirty thousand dollars was made for surveying routes of roads and canals, and the President was authorized to have the purposes of the bill carried out in such surveys and estimates as he might deem of the greatest National importance.

Under the tuition of Mr. Adams and others Mr. Monroe had suddenly made a step towards undoing the deliberate arguments and influences of his previous course. The project for the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal appealed to Mr. Monroe's patriotic sentiments, but it was left for his successor, who was free from doubts as to the statesmanship as well as the Constitutional right of Congress to improve the condition of the country, to strike the first lick in the great work which was to connect the Valley of the Ohio with the Atlantic. Yet the little impetus which Mr. Adams, with all his earnest and clear convictions, was able to give to the progress of the sentiment of internal improvements was mainly crushed or stifled in the long Administration of General Jackson.

Little important work was done at this time, although Congress sat until the 26th of May, 1824. President-making was the leading pursuit of Con

gressmen.

Early in the spring Mr. Monroe presented to his Cabinet his views and plans for settlements and military posts on the Missouri and on the Pacific coast. But he held to the view that settlements west of the Rocky Mountains would not adhere to this Union, would form a separate government, and on that suppo

sition he believed there would be a strong argument against making any settlements over there. This strangely narrow notion was not shared by the members of his Cabinet, and Mr. Adams hinted at the true "Monroe Doctrine" by saying, "that he thought a government by federation would be found practicable upon a territory as extensive as this continent."

Andrew Jackson now temporarily appeared for a purpose, in Congress, and with him were John Forsyth and William C. Rives, and now, for the first time, Daniel Webster, who had before represented New Hampshire, came from Massachusetts. Rufus King, James Barbour, Thomas H. Benton, Martin Van Buren, John W. Taylor, C. C. Cambreling, Louis McLane, C. F. Mercer, John Randolph of Roanoke, George McDuffie, and Joel Poinsett were among the members of Congress at this time, most of them especially distinguished at a later date in the political affairs of the country.

The death of William Lowndes had reduced the number of Presidential candidates. De Witt Clinton was virtually out of the contest. Mr. Calhoun was gliding into the second place with alluring promises for the future. Adams, Crawford, Jackson, and Clay, these were the names. Caucuses had become repugnant. Still one was held in favor of Mr. Crawford, and this was the last which ever disgraced the democratic professions of the party leaders. An extended account of the "Congressional Caucus" may be found in other volumes of this work.

CHAPTER XXVI.

"THE MONROE DOCTRINE"-ITS AUTHORS.

N Mr. Monroe's famous Seventh Annual Message these bold utterances are to be found :—

IN

"At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the Minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the Minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotiation, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the north-west coast of this Continent. A similar proposal had been made by his Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his government. discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American Continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers.

"In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the Allied Powers is essentially different, in this respect, from that of America. This difference proceeds

And to

from that which exists in their respective governments. the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole Nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt, on their part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With existing Colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling, in any other manner, their destiny by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security."

The sentiment here, for the first time, in so many words, formulated in an authoritative official paper, has taken a place in the political history of this country as "The Monroe Doctrine."

How far and in what way it deserves to bear the name of Mr. Monroe has been shown, to some extent, in the preceding volumes, and especially in the next succeeding volume, of this work. Mr. Monroe's sentiment was, substantially, that it was not the will of this Government that these western Continents should in the future be the scenes of European strife and colonization. The language of the message supports the inference that the point had been reached in

American affairs at which this Nation held itself ready and under obligation, if need be, to defend and maintain this doctrine.

Ever since this position was thus taken by the American Executive, with varying degrees of warmth, politicians of every grade and party have, with equal interest, supported it. The doctrine was not designed to interfere with the past, but to control the future, and in no marked degree have the powers of Europe interfered with it as a satisfactory American principle. Thus has it been strengthened by time, and each succeeding Administration of this Government has missed no opportunity to reiterate it; nor have American writers neglected to keep it before their countrymen and the world.

That The Monroe Doctrine, so-called, had substantially been a principle of the early Federalists has been sufficiently shown in other volumes of this history, but the immediate cause of this distinct, positive, and manly announcement of it as a part of the national creed is indicated in the message. As the occasion for its formulation by the President of the United States at this moment was of foreign origin, so perhaps, the British Ministry had no little part in preparing the doctrine itself for a purpose in which England had more than a passing interest. The "Holy Alliance," having for its object the consolidation of the world's government under the old monarchic theory of divine right, gave direct origin to this bold principle of Mr. Monroe's Seventh Message. The interests of England were not in harmony with the "Holy Alliance," nor were her theories of human liberty and progress, and she urged America to step